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Popularizing History: the Case of Gustav Preller

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 January 2009

Isabel Hofmeyr
Isabel Hofmeyr
Affiliation:
University of the Witwatersrand
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Extract

Gustav Preller (1875–1943), a prolific and popular South African historian, is the man largely responsible for shaping many of the key myths of Afrikaner nationalism. One of these is the concept of the Great Trek, an interpretation of the nineteenth-century movement of Boers into the interior. It is Preller's written and visual version of this social movement that has been the dominant one for the last seven decades. Preller worked with a variety of media including books, newspapers, magazines, drama and film, and always produced works that sold in significant numbers. Yet despite his obvious impact and importance, Preller has been the subject of little research. This article attempts to assess Preller's work in relation to questions concerning the cultural fabrication of nationalisms. It asks how Preller did his popularizing work: what techniques, conventions, narrative formulas and social languages did he deploy in his work and whence did he derive these cultural resources? For Preller, one of the most crucial themes in his work had to do with how people recalled the past and more importantly how one could get them to ‘enact’ this memory in their own lives. Much of his work can be read as a search to find strategies of storing the past in forms which would make popular sense. He relied heavily on oral history and he also familiarized himself with popular forms of both oral and written storytelling which in turn inform his work. In 1916 he became involved in filming De Voortrekkers and these visual skills became a key ingredient in all of his ventures. His interest in the visual also informed his frequent use of the physical objects of the past as vehicles for popularizing his views. Another tactic that Preller followed was to explore and ‘colonize’ the institutions of popular leisure which he then remoulded in his nationalist enterprises. The article concludes with a detailed consideration of one of Preller's historical short stories.

Type
South Africa: the Birth of a Legend
Information
The Journal of African History , Volume 29 , Issue 3 , November 1988 , pp. 521 - 535
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1988

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References

1 T[ransvaal] A[rchives], Preller Collection/A 787/V[olume] 266/F[ile] 259 — Schlesinger, I. W. (Voortrekker rolprent) [Voortrekker film] /I[tem] 89, Department of Native Affairs to Preller, 8 July 1916. The Preller Collection has two types of volumes:those with files and those without. The files, called [Historiese Inligtingslêers] [Historical Information Files] contain his ongoing research and one file may fill several volumes. The pagination of the collection is not always consistent. Sometimes numbers refer to an item, at other times each page of each item is numbered. To simplify matters, I have kept to one designation: [Item].Google Scholar

2 Oubaas was the term that Preller frequently used as an affectionate reference to Gen. Botha. It has no precise English equivalent. Literally it can be translated as ‘old master’, but it carries a meaning akin to ‘boss’ r ‘guv'nor’. I have translated all Afrikaans quotations and have indicated such translations in footnotes.Google Scholar

3 T A/A 787/V 266/F 259 — Schlesinger, I. W. (Voortrekker rolprent)/I 135, General Manager, African Film Productions Ltd. to Preller, 14 Sept. 1916; I 137, Preller to Minister of Justice, 19 Sept. 1916.Google Scholar

4 Paragraph based on TA/A 787/V 270/F 259— Schlesinger, I. W. (Voortrekker rolprent)/I 67, passim.Google Scholar See also Gutsche, Thelma, The History and Social Significance of Motion Pictures in South Africa, 1895–1940 (Cape Town, 1972), 313–6.Google Scholar

5 For a brief discussion of Preller's role in voortrekker historiography see Thompson, Leonard, The Political Mythology of Apartheid (New Haven and London, 1985), 36, 180–1. The assertion that the dominant visual version of the trek derives from Preller is made deductively. Preller's extensive pictorial research showed that there were few visual precedents on which he could draw. Most pictures that come after him bear a strong resemblance to his original formulations.Google Scholar See, for example, van Zyl, L. J. and Rabe, J. H., Die Groot Trek in Beeld [The Great Trek in Pictures] (n.p., n.d.). (This is a comic book version of the Great Trek and draws heavily on Preller's written version.)Google Scholar See as well Rooseboom, Hans (ed.), The Romance of the Great Trek (Pretoria, 1949).Google Scholar

6 The only full-length works on Preller seem to be du Plessis, J. S., ‘Dr Gustav Preller as Historikus van die Groot Trek’ (M.A. thesis, University of South Africa, 1949);Google Scholar and Malan, J. R., ‘Preller as Kunstenaar’ [Preller as Artist] (M.A. thesis, University of South Africa, 1924). Articles are more numerous but tend to be popular journalism.Google Scholar See, for example, van Heerden, W., ‘Gustav S. Preller’, Die Huisgenoot, 29 March 1931.Google Scholar More scholarly articles include Hattingh, S. C., ‘Letterkundige Werk van G. S. Preller’, Helikon, IV, XVIII (1954), 33–37;Google Scholardu Plessis, J. S., ‘Gustav Schoeman Preller: 4 Okt. 1875–6 Okt. 1943: Sy Geskiedbeskouing’, Historia, I (1956), 156–66;Google ScholarOpperman, D. J., ‘Preller en sy Studiebronne’ [Preller and his Sources], Standpunte, VII, ii (1952), 117–19;Google ScholarOberholster, J. J., ‘Die Neerslag van die Romantiek op ons Geskiedskrywing — Gustav S. Preller’ [The Impact of the Romantic on our Historiography — Gustav S. Preller], Tydskrif vir Geesteswetenskappe, Dec. (1966), 44–51;Google ScholarKruger, D. W., ‘G. S. Preller as Geskiedskrywer’, Koers, XI, VI (1944), 53–7;Google ScholarLiebenberg, B. J., ‘Gustav Preller as Historikus’, Tydskrif vir Geesteswetenskappe, Dec. (1975), 33–43;Google Scholar for literary histories see Dekker, R. G., Afrikaanse Literatuur Geskiedenis (Cape Town, n.d.), 38–40, 167–70;Google ScholarAntonissen, R., Die Afrikaanse Letterkunde van Aanvang tot Hede, ch. vii (Cape Town, n.d.).Google Scholar For an overview of Preller's work see Toerien, W. M., Gustav Schoeman Preller: ' n Bibliografie (Stellenbosch, 1969).Google Scholar

7 O'Meara, Dan, Volkskapitalisme: class, capital and ideology in the development of Afrikaner nationalism, 1934–1948 (Cambridge and Johannesburg, 1983),Google Scholar and Moodie, T. Dunbar, The Rise of Afrikanerdom (Berkeley, 1975).Google Scholar

8 ‘Die Lewe Het My Geleer: Die Onmag van die Voorbeeld’, Die Huisgenoot, Sept 1942 (translated).Google Scholar

9 This account of Preller's thought is drawn from Ibid. and from Historiese Opstelle [Historical Essays] (Pretoria, 1925);Google ScholarTA/A 787/V 147/F 21 — Dingaansdag [Dingaansday]/I 319, ‘n Geskiedenis-opvatting’ [An Historical Conception]Google Scholar, De Volkstem, 11 April. 1917.Google Scholar

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11 Account of Preller's life based on Rosseau, Leon, The Dark Stream: The Story of Eugéne N. Marais (Johannesburg, 1982), 165–79;Google ScholarDu Plessis, ‘Dr. Gustav Preller’, ch. 2;sections of TA/A 787/V 261/F 241 — Persoonlike Polemiek;Google Scholar also V 237–9/F 192 — Preller;Google ScholarOpperman, ‘Preller’; Hattingh, ‘Letterkundige Werk’Google Scholar, and obituaries in Die Huisgenoot, 22 Oct 1943.Google Scholar

12 T A/A 787/V 147/F 21 — Dingaansdag/I 243–46,Google ScholarDe Volkstem, 12 Dec 1911.Google Scholar

13 T A/A 787/V 267/F 259 — Schlesinger, I. W. (Voortrekker rolprent)/I 35, Preller to Bodenstein, 22 Jan. 1917 (translated).Google Scholar

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15 “n Groot Joernalis’ [A Great Journalist], Die Huisgenoot, 22 Oct 1943 (translated).Google Scholar

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17 For debates on such everyday autobiography see Poetics, 15 (1986), an issue on everyday narrative.Google Scholar

18 A point made frequently in his obituaries; see Die Huisgenoot, 22 Oct 1943.Google Scholar

19 See comments by Marais in his article ‘Gustav Preller’, np., n.d., TA/A 787/V 238/F 192 — Preller/no item number.Google Scholar

20 TA/A 787/V 170/F 54 — Historiese Persone/I 76–77.Google Scholar

21 TA/A 787/V 170/F 54 — Historiese Persone/I 128, Preller to Marais, 15 May 1914 (translated).Google Scholar

22 Paragraph based on T A/A 787/V 147/F 21 – Dingaansdag/I 229, 236, 239, 240, 258, 260, 321 and Thompson, Political Mythology, 144–88.Google Scholar

23 TA/A 787/V 120/F 54 — Historiese Persone/I H. F. Schoon to De Volkstem, 14 Dec 1911.Google Scholar

24 Nagmaal means holy communion but also refers to the three-monthly gatherings in bigger towns to which congregants in outlying areas would come to take communion. These were great social occasions.Google Scholar

25 T A/A 787/V 270/F 259 — Schlesinger, I. W. (Voortrekker rolprent)/I 78, report in Ons Vaderland, 29 Dec 1916Google Scholar and V 147/F 21 — Dingaansdag/I 314, Bakker to Preller, 13 Aug. 1917 (phrases translated).Google Scholar

26 T A/A 787/V 147/F 21 — Dingaansdag/I 240, undated newspaper report, ‘Dingaansdag’ (phrases translatd).Google Scholar

27 T A/A 787/V 147/F 21 — Dingaansdag/I 296–97, Preller to Botha, Dec. 1916 (translated).Google Scholar

28 TA/A 787/V 147/F 21 — Dingaansdag/I 332, Programme of events at Paardekraal, 1920 (programme items translated).Google Scholar

29 For evidence of this work see T A/A 787/V 210/F 139 — Kleredrag [clothing].Google Scholar

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31 T A/A 787/V 138/F 1 — Piet Retief/I 22, Preller to Leyds, 3 July 1922.Google Scholar

32 For other controversies see his debate with Vere Stent, T A/A 787/V 261/F 241 — Persoonlike Polemiek. Preller had also helped to remove bullion from Pretoria during the Anglo-Boer War when the capital was about to fall. Some felt he had retained a bit for himself: V 237/F 192 - Preller/I 56, newspaper cutting, n.d.Google Scholar

33 T A/A 787/V 138/F 1 — Piet Retief/I 50–53, Weinthal to Preller, 4 Sept. 1923.Google Scholar

34 T A/A 787/V 138/F 1 — Piet Retief/I 50 letter from Bethulie, 10 Feb. 1923, and I 92–95, Reitz to Preller, 6 Aug. 1923.Google Scholar

35 See Naidoo, Jay, ‘Was the Retief —Dingaan Treaty a Fake?’, History in Africa, XII (1985), 187–210.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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37 Preller, ‘Die Lewe het my Geleer’, Die Huisgenoot, 18 Sept. 1942 (translated).Google Scholar

38 Yates, Frances, The Art of Memory (London, 1966), 6.Google Scholar

39 By 1930 his book Piet Retief had reached its tenth edition and had sold 25,000 copies (figures from Thompson, Political Mythology, 180). For reviews of Voortrekkermense Deel 1,Google Scholar see De Volkstem, 21 Aug. 1918;Google ScholarDie Huisgenoot, Nov. 1918;Google Scholarfor Voortrekkermense Deel II, see Die Huisgenoot, Aug. 1920,Google ScholarDie Brandwag, 25 Feb. 1921;Google Scholarfor Piet Retief (1st edn.), see De Goede Hoop, April 1906 (2nd edn.),Google ScholarDe Goede Hoop, Dec. 1911 (7th edn.), Die Brandwag, 15 Feb.. 1912;Google Scholarand for ‘Baanbrekers’, see Ons Vaderland, 11 Feb. 1916.Google Scholar

40 T A/A 787/V 137/F 1 — Retief/I 109–10, van Schalkwijk, Andries J. to Preller (translated). For other letters see, V 239/F 192 – Preller/I 265–67, Westphal to Preller, 7 March 1918;Google ScholarV 183/F 88- Marais/I 134, van Ginkel to Preller, 25 April 1916;Google ScholarI 132, van Wyk, S. J. to Preller, 5 April 1923;Google ScholarV 239/F 192/I 260–63, Kootjie Serfontein to Preller, 7 Sept. 14;Google ScholarV 201/F 120- Makapanspoortmoord/I 58–9, Margaretha du Plessis to Preller, 14 Dec. 1914.Google Scholar

41 For a discussion of this idea see Hofmeyr, Isabel, ‘“Building a Nation from words” Afrikaans Language, Literature and Ethnic Identity, 1902–24’, in Marks, Shula and Trapido, Stanley (eds.), The Politics of Race, Class and Nationalism in Twentieth-Century South Africa (London, 1987), 112.Google Scholar

42 T A/A 787/V 267/F 259 — Schlesinger, I. W. (Voortrekker rolprent)/I 110, Letter to Nelie from Preller, 19 Feb. 1919 (translated).Google Scholar

43 Translated. A veiskoen, or rough leather shoe, has no precise English equivalent; ‘hideshoe’ would be its literal translation.Google Scholar

44 T A/A 787/V 239/F 192 — Preller/I 26063, Kootjie Serfontein to Preller, 7 Sept. 1914. 1 have not translated the word boerseun (or, as it should be, boereseun) as there is no precise English equivalent. ‘Son of the soil’ would probably be close.Google Scholar

45 The word Makapan is an Afrikanerized version of Mokopane, an Ndebele chief. Gat can mean cave, hole or backside.Google Scholar

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49 This reading of the story is influenced by Coetzee, J. M., ‘Lineal consciousness in the farm novels of C. M. van den Heever’, paper presented to the Association of University English Teachers of South Africa conference, University of Cape Town, 07 1985.Google Scholar

50 Melkgebruik, which literally means ‘milk use’, has no exact English counterpart. It designates an arrangement whereby someone who tends cattle belonging to another can claim the milk product of the cows in return.Google Scholar

51 ‘Baanbrekers’ in Oorlogsoormag en ander Sketse en Verhale [Military Superiority and other Sketches and Stories] (Cape Town, 1931), 115–16 (translated).Google Scholar

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54 Clingman, Stephen, ‘Biography and representation: some analogies from fiction’, paper presented to the History Workshop, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, Feb. 1987, 13.Google Scholar

55 T A/A 787/V 201/F 120 — Mkapanspoortmoord/ I 144, Anon, South Africa Handbook No. 17, ‘Annals of South Africa’, 6th series (reprinted from South Africa).Google Scholar

56 Nancy Courtney Acutt, ‘Makapan se Gruweldade’ [Makapan's Atrocities], Die Huisgenoot, 6 May 1938 (translated).Google Scholar