¹ The main general works are Padmore, G., Pan-Africanism or Communism? (London, 1956)Google Scholar; Legum, C., Pan-Africanism. A Short Political Guide (London, 1962)Google Scholar; Decraene, P., Le Panafricanisme (Paris, 1959)Google Scholar; Ajala, A., Pan-Africanism: Evolution and Prospect (London, 1973)Google Scholar; Thompson, V. B., Africa and Unity (London, 1969).Google Scholar

² E.g., Ayandele, E. A., Holy Johnson, (London, 1970)Google Scholar; Lynch, Hollis, Edward Wilmot Blyden: Pan-Negro Patriot, (London, 1967)Google Scholar; Shepperson, G. A. and Price, T., Independent African, (Edinburgh, 1958)Google Scholar; King, K. J., Pan-Africanism and Education, (Oxford, 1971)Google Scholar; Langley, J. A., Pan-Africanism and Nationalism in West Africa 1900–1945 (Oxford, 1973)Google Scholar; Redkey, E. S., Black Exodus, (New Haven, 1969)Google Scholar; Griffith, C. E., The African Dream. Martin R. Delany and the Emergence of Pan-African Thought, (University Park, 1975).Google Scholar

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⁴ E.g. the first three and last two works in n. 2 above.

⁵ The Pan-African Movement, 408, 424.Google Scholar

⁶ Ibid. 426–7.

⁷ Ibid. 425.

⁸ Ibid. 151, 205, 282, 354, 417.

⁹ Ibid. 354.

¹⁰ Ibid. 282.

¹¹ Ibid. 114, 197.

¹² Ibid. 259.

¹³ Ibid. 281–2.

¹⁴ Ibid, XII, 242, 404–5.

¹⁵ Shepperson, G. A., ‘The African Diaspora—Or the African Abroad’, paper read at International History Conference, Tanzania, 1965, p. 10.Google Scholar

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¹⁸ Ibid. XII.

¹⁹ Ibid. 422–3.

²⁰ Hopkins, A. G., ‘Economic Aspects of Political Movements in Nigeria and the Gold Coast’, J. Afr. Hist., vii (1966)Google Scholar. See also Langley, op. cit., part I, cap. V, ‘Nationalism, Pan-Africanism and Colonial Economics: 1918–1939’, passim.

²¹ See Delany, M., ‘The Condition, Elevation, Emigration and Destiny of the Colored People of the United States’, in Brotz, H. (ed.), Negro Social and Political Thought 1850–1920, (New York and London, 1966), 100Google Scholar; and Griffith, op. cit. 37–8.

²² Fyfe, C., A History of Sierra Leone, (Oxford, 1962), 529Google Scholar; Dumett, R. E., ‘Joseph Chamberlain, Imperial Finance and Railway Policy in British West Africa in the late Nineteenth Century’, Eng. Hist. Rev., xc (1975), 295, 295, n. 2CrossRefGoogle Scholar. This notes that Blyden and Horton, and African nationalists and merchants in general, were ‘among the earliest advocates of railways as vehicles for modernization and development’.

²³ Fyfe, C., Africanus Horton. West African Scientist and Patriot, (New York, 1972), 132, 142, 151.Google Scholar

²⁴ Duffield, op. cit. 1, 206–7; Langley, op. cit. 75–6; Geiss, op. cit. 294, 484, n. 116.

²⁵ Hutchison, W. F., ‘General Guggisberg's Programme’, West Africa, 31 Jan. 1920, pp. 10, 12Google Scholar. For a full account of Chamberlain's policy, see Dumett, op. cit. passim.

²⁶ Dumett, op. cit. 295, n. 2.

²⁷ Hayford, J. E. Casely, Ethiopian Unbound, (London, 1911), 215Google Scholar; Gold Coast Free Press, 24 Oct. 1899Google Scholar; both referred to in The Pan-African Movement, 116.Google Scholar

²⁸ Duffield, I., ‘The Business Activities of Dusé Mohamed Ali: An Example of the Economic Dimension of Pan-Africanism, 1912–1945’, J. Hist. Soc. Nigeria, iv, 4 (1969), 583, 598Google Scholar; and Skinner, Robert P., U.S. Consul, London, to U.S. Sec. of State, 24 Mar. 1921Google Scholar, U.S. National Archives, State Dept. Decimal Files 1920–9, Record Group 59, Microfilm 613, roll 33, file 822.77/67, frames 1152–4.

²⁹ Skinner to Sec. of State, ibid.

³⁰ Ibid. For U.S. sensitivity to European railway concessions in Liberia, see State Dept. Decimal Files, R.G. 59, Microfilm 616, roll 33, files 822.77–822.77/69.

³¹ Solanke, L., United West Africa…. (London, 1927), 57.Google Scholar Referred to in The Pan-Africa Movement, 120–1Google Scholar, but not in the context of West African interest in railways.

³² Walvin, J., Black and White. The Negro and English Society 1555–1945, (London, 1973), 24–5Google Scholar; Hill, A. C. and Kilson, M., Apropos of Africa, (London, 1969), 10–20.Google Scholar

³³ Crummell, A., ‘The Relations and Duties of Free Colored Men in America to Africa’Google Scholar, in Hill and Kilson, op. cit. 90–1.

³⁴ Redkey, E. S., Black Exodus, 22, 150–69, 173–6Google Scholar; Griffith, , The African Dream, 107–14Google Scholar; Bittle, W. E. and Geis, G., The Longest Way Home. Chief Alfred C. Sam's Back to Africa Movement, (Detroit, 1964), passimGoogle Scholar; Hill, and Kilson, , Apropos of Africa, 128–31, 234Google Scholar; Dean, H. with North, S., Umbala. The Adventures of a Negro Sea Captain in Africa and on the Seven Seas in his Attempts to Found an Ethiopian Empire, (London, 1929), passim.Google Scholar

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³⁶ Bruce papers, Microfilm I, Group B, MS. 117, Prospectus, New York and Liberia Steamship Company.

³⁷ Spingeon, R., ‘New York and Liberia Steamship Company Or the Commercial Possibilities of the Trade of West Africa with America’, Colored American Magazine, vii, 12 (1904), 738Google Scholar. I am indebted to Dr Fiona Spiers for this reference.

³⁸ See n. 36 above.

³⁹ Hughes, M. J., Lecture, London, Feb. 1917, Bruce Papers, M. III, Group E, MS. 2–13, pp. 4–5Google Scholar; and ‘African Co-operation; An Appeal to Afro-Americans’, African Times and Orient Rev., Mar. 1917, 156.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Unsigned letter to Doherty, Messrs, Cardoso, and others, London, 30 Apr. 1917Google Scholar, Bruce Papers, M. III, Group E, MS. 88–13, and letter from Doherty, Messrs J. H., Taylor, D. A., Thomas, Peter J. C., Williams, Fred E., Fanimokun, J. S., Dawudu, T. B., Coker, J. K., Coker, Samuel A., Cardoso, L. A., Balogun, Alli, Ige, Disu, Oki, I. and others, of Lagos and Agege, London, 26 June 1917Google Scholar, Bruce Papers, M.I, Group B, MS. 238.

⁴¹ Neither E. D. Cronon nor T. G. Vincent mention the antecedents of the Black Star Line, and thereby imply that it was an original concept. See Cronon, , Black Moses (Madison, 1955), 50–60Google Scholar, and Marcus Garvey (Englewood Cliffs, 1973), 6–7Google Scholar; and Vincent, , Black Power and the Garvey Movement (New York, 1971), 101–4Google Scholar. Robert A. Hill's forth coming study of Garvey will, it is to be hoped, remedy this by putting the Black Star Line in context as meticulously as does his work on Garvey in England, ‘The First England Years and After, 1912–1916’, in Clarke, J. H. (ed.), Marcus Garvey and the Vision of Africa (New York, 1974), 38–70.Google Scholar

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⁴³ See n. 42 above. Both are unsigned, but Du Bois exercised strict editorial control, and nothing appeared in The Crisis of which he disapproved.

⁴⁴ W. J. Love, Vice-Pres. i/c traffic, U.S. Shipping Board Emergency Fleet Corp., Memorandum, ‘Shipping Board and West African Service. A. H. Bull & Company, Managers’, for Board of Trustees, Emergency Fleet Corp., 24 July 1922. Board, U.S. Shipping, R.G. 32, Box 1213, file 621.8 (Sept. 1920–Apr. 1928)Google Scholar, ‘Development of trade routes—Africa—A. H. Bull & Co.’ I am indebted to Prof. Judith Stein for drawing my attention to the significance of the Bull Line, and for much help in research in U.S. archives.

⁴⁵ Shepperson, and Price, , Independent African, 431.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ ‘Bruce Grit’ (i.e. Bruce, J. E.), The African Aeroplane, Bruce Papers, M. III, Group D, MS. 19–10, n.d.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Ali, D. M., ‘Ere Roosevelt Came’, in The Comet, Lagos, 4 Aug. 1934, pp. 11–12Google Scholar; 18 Aug. 1934, p. 11; 8 Sept. 1934, pp. 11–13; 15 Sept. 1934, pp. 11–13; 29 Sept. 1934, p. 11.

⁴⁸ Asante, S. K. B., “The Afro-American and the Italo-Ethiopian Crisis, 1934–36’, Race, xv, 2 (1973), 174–5.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ See leaflet The Pan-American Good-Will Flight. Our Race Soars Upwards. An Outstanding Achievement of Colored America, n.d., Tuskegee Inst. Arch., Albon L. Holsey Papers, National Negro Business League Correspondence 1928–35, Box 23. At the time of issue, the Pan-American flight was stIII being prepared. I have been unable to find out if it ever took place.

⁵⁰ Hopkins, ‘Economic Aspects of Political Movements …’Google Scholar; Langley, op. cit., part I, cap 5; Duffield, , “The Business Activities of Dusé Mohamed Ali …’. Hopkins's Economic History of West Africa, (London, 1973)Google Scholar is essential to all students of Pan-Africanism for its insightful survev of the economic backround.

⁵¹ See n. 50 and n. 20 above.

⁵² Macmillan, A., The Red Book of West Africa, (London, 1920), 215Google Scholar. Chappelle's African Union Co. correspondence gave his U.S. address as Pittsburg.

⁵³ Chappelle, , ‘Suggestions for … the appointment of an American Consular Agency at Seccondee …’, encl. with Chappelle to President of U.S.A., 14 Mar. 1925Google Scholar. State Dept. Decimal Files, R.G. 59, M. 583, roll 26, frames 0456 and 0457.

⁵⁴ Ibid, frames 0458–9.

⁵⁵ See Harlan, Louis R., ‘Booker T. Washington and the White Man's Burden’, Amer. Hist. Rev., lxxi, 2 (01 1966), passimGoogle Scholar. Tuskegee's influence in West Africa still awaits the treatment in depth given to its influence in East Africa by King, Kenneth J. in Pan-Africanism and EducationGoogle Scholar. The Washington Papers in the Library of Congress and at Tuskegee Institute Archives, and the Moton Papers at Tuskegee, contain many items witnessing the influence of Tuskegee among West Africans.

⁵⁶ For the company's officers, see President and General Manager's Annual Report … covering a period of from April 28, 1914, to Feb. 28, 1915, enclGoogle Scholar. with Jos. L. Jones, Sec, African Union Co., to Scott, Emmett J., 25 Mar. 1915Google Scholar. For Scott's reluctance to invest in the company, and other early financial problems, see Jones, to Scott, , 14 May 1914Google Scholar; Scott, to Jones, , 18 May 1914Google Scholar; Jones, to Scott, , 29 June 1914Google Scholar; Jones, to Scott, , 24 Sept. 1914Google Scholar; Scott, to Jones, 1 Oct. 1914Google Scholar; Jones, to Directors of African Union Co., 14 May 1915Google Scholar. All in Booker T. Washington Papers, personal correspondence, Box 9, 1913–14, 1914–15, A-B.

⁵⁷ Chappelle, to Jones, , 15 July 1914Google Scholar; Jones, to Scott, , 15 Aug. 1914Google Scholar. BTW papers, ibid.

⁵⁸ President and General Manager's Report… April 28,1914 to Feb. 28, 1915; Arkhurst, to Jones, , 9 Apr. 1915Google Scholar; What the African Union Company Has Done in One Year (Cincinnati, 3 Apr. 1915)Google Scholar. BTW Papers, ibid.

⁵⁹ Red Book of West Africa, 215.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ A. Cooke, Colonial Office, internal minute to Ellis, M., 30 Apr. 1922Google Scholar; Read, J. H., CO., to Under Sec. of State, F.O., 1 June 1922Google Scholar. CO 96/631/25956.

⁶¹ Duncan, J. A., M.O., Seccondee, to Ag. Prov. Commissioner, Seccondee, 12 Oct. 1923Google Scholar; Palmer, H., Sr. M.O., Seccondee, to Ag. Prov. Commissioner, Seccondee, 13 Oct. 1923Google Scholar; Snow, B. F., African Union Co., Seccondee, to Ag. Prov. Commissioner, Seccondee, n.d. All encl. with Read to Under Sec. of State, F.O., 3 Dec. 1923, FO 371/8527/A 7111.Google Scholar

⁶² G. W. Gosser, postmaster, U.S. Post Office, Pittsburg, to Barclay, F. R., Washington D.C., 6 Apr. 1925Google Scholar, State Dept. Decimal Files, R.G. 59, M. 583, roll 26, frames 0464–5.

⁶³ An example of Bruce in West African trade is a scheme with S. O. Logemoh of Monrovia to import Liberian coffee into the U.S.A.; also timber and skins. Bruce Papers, Group B, M.I, MS. 43, Logemoh, to Bruce, , 2 Tune 1922Google Scholar; MS. 44, Logemoh, to Bruce, , 24 June 1922Google Scholar; MS. 87, Logemoh, to Bruce, , 15 ‘une 1922Google Scholar. The latter expresses a wish ‘to Co-operate with Mr. Dusé Mohamed & yourself to develop trade in Africa to America by Negroes, with Negroes, for Negroes’. Bruce was also involved with the Guyanese David E. Headley in the Great Southern Importing and Exporting Co. Inc., of Brooklyn, whose slogan was ‘Why not Racial Unity in Commerce?’ See Duffield, , ‘Dusé Mohamed Ali and the Development of Pan-Africanism’, 11, 587.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Jones, to Directors, African Union Co., 14 May 1915Google Scholar, BTW Papers, personal correspondence Box 9, 1913–14, 1914–15, A-B.

⁶⁵ For a summary of the Ali-Tete-Ansa connexion, see Duffield, , “The Business Activities of Dusé Mohamed Ali …’, 588–91Google Scholar; for Tandoh's opposition to Ali and Tete-Ansa, see idem, ‘Dusé Mohamed Ali and the Development of Pan-Africanism’, 11, 701–5Google Scholar. For Tandoh as Sec. of the A.P.U., see African Telegraph, London, Jan.-Feb. 1919, pp. 111–12Google Scholar; for Tandoh at Pan-African Congresses, see The Crisis, Jan. 1924, p. 120, and Nov. 1927, p. 307Google Scholar. For further information on Tandoh's conflicts with Ali and Tete-Ansa, see H. G. Armstrong, British Consulate-General, N.Y., to SirBroderick, Joyce, Commercial Counsellor, British Embassy, Washington D.C., 21 Sept. 1927Google Scholar, with enclosures; and Amoah III (i.e. Tandoh) to Armstrong, , 3 Oct. 1927Google Scholar, with enclosures. FO 371/12061/3727.

⁶⁶ For origins of Ali's international reputation, see ‘Dusé Mohamed Ali: His Purpose and his Public’, 160–5Google Scholar; for h's early interest in commerce, see ‘The Business Activities of Dusé Mohamed Ali….’, 575–9.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Aug. 1927, Tete-Ansa was widely reported by the Associated Negro Press as saying: ‘I'm taking a white staff back with me, a white bank manager and accountants. I'll need Americans because a good part of the bank's business will be with America. No, I won't use any New York Negroes. You see … I've got the impression Negroes over here haven't much business training and experience … no one who seems to have any grasp of sound business principles.’ See The Reporter, Birmingham, Ala., 27 July 1927Google Scholar; The Eagle, Washington, D.C., 19 Aug. 1927Google Scholar; The Informer, Houston, Texas, 22 Aug. 1927Google Scholar. I am indebted to Dr K. J. King for this information. For Ali's partners in his last major trading venture, see Duffield, , “The Business Activities of Dusé Mohamed Ali…’, 591–2, n. 28 above and n. 100 below.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Small, , Bathurst, , to U.S. consulate, Lagos, 26 Feb. 1931Google Scholar, Dept. of State, R.G. 84, correspondence, U.S. Consulate, Lagos, 1931, vol. v, file 610.1

⁶⁹ Willson, G. R. to Small, , 10 Mar. 1931Google Scholar, ibid.

⁷⁰ Note the comment of A. S. Hillyer, Chief, Commercial Intelligence Division, U.S. Dept. of Commerce, Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce—‘if the (Tete-Ansa) operation … is legitimate and has sufficient financial backing, it is indeed a tremendous and worthwhile venture, and if it is not on this level it is one of the largest cases of disreputable practices that has come to our attention recently’. Hillyer, to George, E. B., Mgr., Bur. of For. and Dom. Comm., Philadelphia, 3 Apr. 1929Google Scholar. R.G. 151, Financial Ratings 1928–40, file 602.2.

⁷¹ See Hamill, to Feiss, H., Dept. of State, 10 Nov. 1938Google Scholar, with enclosures. State Dept. Decimal Files, 1930–39, R.G. 59, file 611.48 N 16/38.

⁷² See Hengstler, H. C., Toronto, U.S. Consul, to Sec. of State, 30 Sept. 1940Google Scholar; and E. E. Schnellbacher, Chief, Commercial Intelligence Division, Bur. of For. and Dom. Comm. to R. H. Geist, Chief, Division of Commercial Affairs, Dept. of State. U.S. Dept. of Commerce, R.G. 151, Financial Ratings 1928–40, file 602.2.

⁷³ For Lawson's African circle in America, see Africa, 1, 1, New York (June 1928), p. 20.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ For a summary of the African Farmers' Marketing Organisation of America and its plans with Lawson, see memo of conversation between Homer, and Villard, H. S., Division of Near Eastern Affairs State Dept., 2 June 1938Google Scholar; and Homer, to Villard, , 26 July 1938Google Scholar, with enclosures. State Dept. Decimal Files, 1930–9, R.G. 59, files 611.48 N 16/1 and 12.

⁷⁵ See More, B., Vice-Consul, U.S., Lagos, to Sec. of State, 14 Mar. 1939Google Scholar; Homer, , Accra, , to Fox, H., Asst. U.S. Commercial Attaché, London, 3 Apr. 1939Google Scholar. State Dept. Decimal Files 1930–9, R.G. 59, files 611.48 N 16/57 and 60. Also see Homer to U.S. Consul T. C. Wasson, Lagos, n.d.; Murray, W., Div. of Nr. Eastern Affairs, to Brandt, G. L., Special Div., State Dept., 17 Nov. 1939Google Scholar; Consul, U.S., Liverpool, telegram to Sec. of State, 22 Dec. 1939Google Scholar. Ibid, files 348 N 1115/6, 9 and 10.

⁷⁶ Africa, June 1928, p. 20Google Scholar. Ed. by D. M. Ali to publicize Tete-Ansa's companies, only one number was ever published of this journal.

⁷⁷ Dougherty, H. M., W. African American Corp., N.Y.C., to Schnellbacher, Ag. Chief, Comm. Intelligence Div., Dept. of Commerce, 29 Sept. 1930Google Scholar; Dougherty, to Schnellbacher, , 18 Oct. 1930Google Scholar; Dougherty, to Schwarz, L. J., U.S. Trade Commissioner, Accra, 21 Oct. 1930Google Scholar. Dept. of Commerce, R.G. 151, Financial Ratings 1928–40, file 602.2.

⁷⁸ Peck, W. L., Consul, U.S., Lagos, , to W. African American Corp., N.Y.C., 25 Mar. 1933Google Scholar; Peck, to Rowe, R. H., Registrar of Companies, Lagos, 20 Feb. 1933Google Scholar, R.G. 84, correspondence, U.S. Consulate, Lagos, vol. IV, 340.

⁷⁹ For directors, affiliated organizations etc. of New Africa Company, see its prospectus, Dept. of Commerce, R.G. 151, file 602.2, Financial Ratings 1928–40—New Africa Co. Ltd.

⁸⁰ Wasson, , Lagos, to Sec. of State, 4 Nov. 1938 and 16 Feb. 1939Google Scholar. State Dept. Decimal Files 1930–39, files 848 L. 61/3 and 4.

⁸¹ Veatch, R., Office of Adviser on International Affairs, ‘American Firms and the Marketing of Gold Coast Cocoa’, 22 Aug. 1938, p. 5Google Scholar. State Dept. Decimal Files, R.G. 59, file 611.48 N 16/17.

⁸² See Veatch, , ‘American Firms and the Marketing of Gold Coast Cocoa’, 9Google Scholar. The U.A.C. could be quite frank about its attitude; the Accra Mgr. of the U.A.C. said to Wasson, T. C., U.S. Consul Lagos that ‘should the little fellows get a footing in overseas markets, the [U.A.C] Will then bring its immense resources to bear to crush them’Google Scholar. Wasson, , ‘Gold Coast Cocoa Situation’, confidential, to Sec. of State, 17 Jan. 1939, p. 9Google Scholar. Dept. of State Decimal Files, 1930–9, R.G. 59, file 611.48 N 16/41.

⁸³ See Hill, P., The Gold Coast Cocoa Farmer, (London, 1956), 58–71Google Scholar, and Migrant Cocoa Farmers of Southern Ghana (Cambridge, 1963), 166 and 183–6Google Scholar; Dumett, R., ‘The Rubber Trade of the Gold Coast and Asante in the Nineteenth Century: African Innovation and Market Responsiveness’, J. Afr. Hist., viii (1967), 486–70.Google Scholar

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⁸⁵ Ibid. 145–6, 148.

⁸⁶ Duffield, , “The Business Activities of Dusé Mohamed Ali’, 571.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ For a brief biographical note on Smith, see Simpson, D., ‘Mr Smith of the Colonial Service’, Royal Commonwealth Society Library Notes, new series, 181 (05 1972), 1–3Google Scholar. I am indebted to Mr Simpson for much information on Smith. For Smith's correspondence with J. E. Bruce, see Bruce Papers, M. I, Group A, MSS. L.9, S.6 and S.11.

⁸⁸ For Smith with Ali in a London Pan-African circle, see Duffield, , ‘Dusé Mohamed Ali and the Development of Pan-Africanism’, II, 520Google Scholar; for examples of his writings in the ATOR, see ‘Africa for the Africans’, parts I and II, ATOR, Sept. 1918, pp. 33–4 and Oct. 1918, pp. 38–9Google Scholar; ‘The African Wealth of Nations’, ATOR, Nov. 1912, pp. 168–9Google Scholar; ‘Edward Blyden’, ATOR, Feb.-Mar. 1913, pp. 250–2Google Scholar; ‘Peace, War—Or African Home Rule’, ATOR, Dec.–Jan. 1913, pp. 214–15.Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁰ DrSaliba, J. to Peck, U.S. Consul W. L., Lagos, 16 Oct. 1933Google Scholar; and AH to Willson, , 22 July 1932Google Scholar, confidential, R.G. 84, correspondence, U.S. Consulate, Lagos, 1933, vol. IV, 340 and 1932, vol. VI, 851.6.

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¹⁰³ Alleyne, to Moton, , 10 July 1925Google Scholar. Moton Papers, general correspondence. Box 105, file 786.

¹⁰⁴ Quoted in Alleyne, to Moton, , 28 Oct. 1925Google Scholar. Ibid.

¹⁰⁵ Thompson, to Moton, , 14 Jan. 1931Google Scholar, Moton Papers, general correspondence, Box 157, file 1281.

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¹⁰⁹ Pratt, , Christiansborg, to U.S. Consul, Lagos, 26 Jan. 1931Google Scholar; Willson, to Pratt, , 9 Feb. 1931Google Scholar, correspondence, U.S. Consulate, Lagos, 1931, vol. IV, 811.11.

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