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³ The Diary of Henry Francis Fynn, 1803–1861, eds. Stuart, J. and Malcolm, D. (Pietermaritzburg, 1950), 81–2.Google Scholar

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⁷ Ibid. 255–6.

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¹⁵ 30,287 of these were single guns ‘principally old Tower muskets’ and 16,156 were ‘single rifles which had been condemned and sold in Europe by foreign Governments, most of them having been purchased in Prussia for 7/6 apiece’. Confidential Prints (African), C.O. 879; 14/16, No. 9, Bulwer, to Hicks, Beach, 29 04 1878, 33.Google Scholar

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³⁴ ‘The Zulus used to drive a herd of cattle (say 20–40, but nearer 40) and these would be left intact until those of the enemy had been captured when the latter would be taken as food and the others driven back to the King's kraal once more. But if food ran short the induna (officer) was allowed to kill and eat this herd, but care was taken that (the) induna only and his immediate coterie got any of this meat. It was not eaten by anyone…. I don't know if any of these cattle were driven along in (the) Zulu war.’ James Stuart papers (Killie Campbell Africans Library), Native habits and customs in war, 30055, evidence by Socwatsha, , 4 06, 1912.Google Scholar

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⁴¹ In the Ngome forest, along the Lebombo mountains, in the ravines running down into the Buffalo river, and, the best known of all, the Nkandla forest. Some Zulu did make some use of strongholds during the invasion, particularly in the north western districts, where, however, they had experienced considerable encroachment from the Transvaal in the decades preceding the war. Cetshwayo built some homesteads in broken ground in the thornveld between the Black and White Mfolsi; he seems to have used them to store powder and lead and housed his Sotho gunsmiths there. See Wolseley's Journal, W.O. 747/7, 116. Nevertheless strongholds were only used in emergency and there was no attempt to incorporate them in general strategy, which was based on traditional forms of attack.

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⁴⁶ Mehlokazulu related how his regiment at Kambula, ‘anxious to distinguish itself,’ attacked the laager prematurely, ‘Cetshwayo was very angry with us, and said we had no right to attack the Laager. He blamed (us) and said that he would kill the officer in command but he did not. We acted contrary to instructions at Isandhlwana, and were successful; and then we acted contrary to instructions at Kambula.’ Vijn, , Cetshwayo's Dutchman, 115.Google Scholar

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⁴⁸ For a graphic account of the transport problems faced by the British see Morris, , Washing, 311–16.Google Scholar

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⁵¹ Wolseley wrote after Ulundi: ‘If Chelmsford had remained at Ulundi and pursued with cavalry and native troops, he might easily have turned the occasion into a final victory.’ But Chelmsford did not have the supplies to stay at Ulundi. Disraeli wrote to the Queen: ‘Had he not been furtively apprised by telegraph that he was to be superseded, Lord Chelmsford would probably never have advanced to Ulundi. His retreat from that post was his last and crowning mistake….’ Both letters are quoted in Maurice, F. and Arthur, G., The Life of Lord Wolseley (London, 1924), 119.Google Scholar

⁵² Those who actually participated at Ulundi had obvious motives for doing this. Wolseley's attitude was rather ambiguous, but in July, under instructions to terminate the war as quickly as possible, it suited his plans to accept this interpretation of the battle of Ulundi. ‘I have …. every reason’, he wrote, ‘to believe that this war is virtually ended, and I am now turning my attention to the means of securing a complete and formal establishment of tranquility throughout the country.’ C. 2453, no. 62, Wolseley, to Hicks, Beach, 10 07 1879. But see below, p. 569, for his interpretation when it seemed as if the part he played in Zululand was not going to be recognized.Google Scholar

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⁵⁴ C. 2695, no. 130, Frere, to Kimberley, , 55 06 1880,Google Scholar Enc. 2, Memorandum by Shepstone, T., 4 06 1880.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Original Correspondence (Natal): C.O. 179/133, 5042, Wolseley, to Hicks, Beach, 2 03 1880.Google Scholar