¹ Sources with biases, conscious or unconscious, include: The Matabele Journals of Robert Moffat, 1829–1860, ed. Wallis, J. P. R. (London, 1945);Google ScholarThe Matabele Mission … of John and Emily Moffat, 1858–1878, ed. Wallis, J. P. R. (London, 1945);Google ScholarKerr, W. Montagu, The Far Interior (London, 1887);Google ScholarGold and the Gospel in Mashonaland 1888, eds. Fripp, C. E. and Hiller, V. W. (London, 1946);Google ScholarThe Northern Goldfields Diaries of Thomas Baines, ed. Wallis, J. P. R. (London, 1946)Google Scholar; Mackenzie, J., Ten Years North of the Orange River (Edinburgh, 1871);Google ScholarCoillard, F., On the Threshold of Central Africa (London, 1897);Google ScholarAnderson, A. A., Twenty-five Years in a Waggon (London, 1888);Google ScholarThe Southern African Diaries of Thomas Leask 1865–1870, ed. Wallis, J. P. R. (London, 1954)Google Scholar

² ‘I hope they do raid the Barotses’, wrote the Company's secretary fl 1892. ‘All these raids and deaths and murders ought to be entered into a book, so that we may always be able to prove justification and their being a cruel damnable race.’ Hist. MSS CO 4/1/1 Harris, F. Rutherfoord to Colenbrander, J. W., 9 02. 1892. Unless otherwise stated all reference codes relate to the National Archives of Rhodesia, Salisbury.Google Scholar

³ Ranger, T. O., ‘The rewriting of African History during the Scramble: the Matabele dominance in Mashonaland’, Afr. Soc. Res. IV (1967);Google ScholarBeach, D. N., ‘The Adendorif Trek in Shona History’, S.A.H.J. III (1971).Google Scholar

⁴ T. N.Huffman, The Leopards Kopje Tradition (in press).

⁵ This interpretation, which differs radically from that generally made previously, was made independently by DrMudenge, (Mudenge, S. I., ‘The Rozvi Empire and the Feira of Zumbo’, unpubl. Ph.D. thesis (London, 1972), 35–43, 54–70)Google Scholar and myself (Beach, D. N., ‘Historians and the Shona Empires, II, 3, The Changamire Problem’, Univ. of Rhodesia, Hist. Dept., Henderson Seminar Paper, 20, 1972), but to Dr Mudenge belongs the credit for convincingly identifying the Khami culture in its earlier phase with the Torwa dynasty.Google Scholar

⁶ Huffman, T. N., ‘The Rise and Fall of Zimbabwe’, J. Afr. Hist. XIII, 3 (1972), 356–7.Google Scholar

⁷ Fortune, G., ‘A Rozvi text with translation and notes’, NADA, 33 (1956).Google Scholar

⁸ Mudenge, , ‘The Rozvi Empire’, 52, 70, 159–60;Google ScholarSutherland-Harris, N., ‘Trade and the Rozvi Mambo’, in Gray, J. R. and Birmingham, D., eds., Precolonial African Trade (London, 1970).Google Scholar

⁹ Posselt, F. W. T., Mambo and his Court (Salisbury, 1923),2;Google Scholar N. 3/33/8, Posselt, J. W., Charter, N. C. to Acting Salisbury, C. N. C., c. 1 01. 1904;Google ScholarMudenge, , ‘The Rozvi Empire’, 187–91. Dr Mudenge's use of Portuguese documents to date Rozvi reigns in the late eighteenth century is one of the most important breakthroughs in the study of Rozvi history. His explanation of the origins of the Jiri-Gumunyu dispute is another, and his argument has influenced my use of the evidence cited below.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Robinson, K. R., Khami Ruins (Cambridge, 1959), Appendix 6, Tradition 2. This is a reflection of a tradition recorded in one of a set of very valuable traditions collected in 1898–1906 (NB 6/1/1, N 3/33/8 and A 3/18/18): A 3/18/28Google ScholarStuart, C. T., Gwelo, N. C. to Bulawayo, C. N. C., 16 02. 1906. This is not the Ndumba after whom the Ndumba hills at the Bubi source are named, A 3/18/28Google ScholarLanning, R.. Inyati, N. C. to Bulawayo, C. N. C., 21 04. 1906.Google Scholar

¹¹ The main traditions of Rozvi politics are found in Posselt, J. W. in N. 3/33/8; F. W. T. Posselt, Mambo; M. V. J. Rukara, in Hist. MSS Msc. RU 4/1/1;Google ScholarMarwodzi, A., ‘The Barozwi’, NADA, 2 (1924);Google ScholarLloyd, E. M. and Muhlanga, S., ‘Mbava’, NADA, 3 (1925) and ‘Mbava and the others’, NADA, 4 (1926); Fortune, ‘A Rozvi text’;Google ScholarRobinson, K. R., ‘A History of the Bikita District’, NADA, 34 (1957); S. Rhodesia M(inistry of) I(nternal) A(ffairs) Delineation Reports, Bikita and Buhera, 1964–5. The simplest and most convincing explanation of the dispute is that the modern Jiri group are descended from Mutinhima, son of Gumboremvura, and that the Gumunyu group are descended from Chirisamhuru. The co-operation of the Mutinhima house with the main house in the 1850s is described below. The death of Mambo Tohwechipi Chibambamu in C. 1873 after his defeat in 1866 led to the political eclipse of his house and the rise of Mutinhima's. The earliest known reference to Tohwechipi's son or brother Chikore makes it clear that he was not regarded as Mambo—although the reference must be regarded with caution on this point because it comes from a traditionally pro-Mutinhima area (A 3/18/28Google Scholar, Elliott, F. G., Selukwe, N. C. to Bulawayo, C. N. C., 19 05 1906). By 1896 the people near Zimbabwe stated that ‘Tihina’Google Scholar (Mutinhima) was ruling the Bikita Rozvi (Argief van die, N. G. Kerk, Cape Town, Report of Helm, S. P., 1891). In 1896 the Gumunyu-descended Chiduku group joined the ritual-position holder Mavudzi and the Mbava group in the installation of a Mutinhima-house member, Chikohore Chingombe, as Rozvi Mambo in the Mavangwe hills, Buhera (N 1/1/8Google Scholar, Ndanga, N. C. to Salisbury, C. N. C., 2 03. 1897). Subsequently the Mutinhima house dominated the Buhera and Bikita Rozvi until the revival of the Chirisamhuru-Gumunyu house in Bikita in the 1950s.Google Scholar

¹² Posselt, F. W. T., Mambo, 6;Google ScholarSirMary, Aquina O.P., ‘The tribes in Chilimanzi Reserve and their relation to the Rozvi’, NADA, IX, 2 (1965), 41 Fortune, ‘A Rozvi text’, 72; A 3/18/28Google ScholarThomas, T. M., Acting Insiza, N. C. to Bulawayo, C. N. C., 16 05 1906; MIA Delineation Report, Que Que, 1963; Stuart in A 3/18/28; NB 6/1/1Google ScholarJackson, S. N. G., Belingwe, N. C. to Bulawayo, C. N. C., 31 03. 1898.Google Scholar

¹³ Liesegang, G. J., ‘Nguni migrations between Delagoa Bay and the Zambezi, 1821–1839’, Afr. Hist. Studies, III, 2 (1970);Google ScholarElliott, W. A., ‘The Ma-Shuna’Google Scholar in Carnegie, D., Among the Matabele (London, 1894), 113; F. G. Elliott in A 3/18/28; S. N. G. Jackson in NB 6/I/1; Hist. MSS WE 3/2/4; Hist. MSS W_I 8/1/1; Nkani I passim.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Robert, Moffat, Journals, 1, 369; F. G. Elliott A 2.18/28. In this case the Mutinhima faction admitted their subordination to Chirisamhuru's house.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Hist. MSS W₁ 8/1/2 Ntabeni 1–2.

¹⁶ Stuart in A 3/18/28.

¹⁷ Hist. MSS W₁ 8/1/1 Ngungu 2; Thomas, T. M., Eleven Years in Central South Africa (London, 1873), 165; S. N. G. Jackson in NB 6/1/1; ‘Mziki’ (pseudonym of A. A. Campbell),'Mlimo (Pietermaritzburg, 1926), 85. This latter account, which existed in draft form in 1905 and in final form in 1911, has been described as a fabrication. But the presence of information about Lukuluba and Chizema in particular, and about the affairs of the eastern Ndebele in general, suggests that it is indeed a body of genuine tradition collected in Insiza 1897–1905 and added to a fictional romantic story.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Hits. MSS W_I 8/1/2 Ntabeni 4.

¹⁹ Hist. MSS W₁ 8/1/1 Nkani 1–2.

²⁰ Taylor, G. A., ‘The Matabele Headring’, NADA, 3 (1925), 41.Google Scholar

²¹ Robert, Moffat, Journals, I, 214–15, 224, 265; II, 158.Google Scholar

²² F. G. Elliott in A 3/18/28.

²³ Posselt, F. W. T., Mambo, 6; Stuart in A 3/18/28;Google ScholarLloyd, and Muhlanga, , ‘Mbava and others’, 92.Google Scholar

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²⁶ Robert, Moffat, Journals, 1, 233, 240, 369. Moffat originally used the term ‘Shona’ to mean, principally, ‘Rozvi’, and ‘Bamakalaka’ to mean ‘Kalanga’.Google Scholar

²⁷ Ibid., 1, 329.

²⁸ Ibid., 11, 59.

²⁹ Leask, , Diaries, 81, 88.Google Scholar

³⁰ The Journal of Carl Mauch 1869–1872, ed. Burke, E. E. (Salisbury, 1969), 222.Google Scholar

³¹ Ibid., 209–214.

³² E.g. A 1/9/1, Paulet, H. to Jameson, L. S., 28 07 1892.Google Scholar

³³ Selous, F. C., Travel and Adventure in South East Africa (London, 1893), 116.Google Scholar

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³⁶ Mudenge, , ‘The Rozvi Empire’, 117–18. Zumbo sent two guns every three years.Google Scholar

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⁴¹ Tabler, E. C., The Far Interior (Cape Town, 1955), 212.Google Scholar

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⁴³ F. G. Elliott and Stuart in A 3/18/28; Posselt, F. W. T., Mambo, 6.Google Scholar

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⁴⁵ van der Merwe, D. J., ‘Some history of the Vakaranga in the Gutu Reserve’, NADA, 54 (1936–1937), 73. The episode described immediately preceded the Jiri Rozvi move to Bikita in the late nineteenth century;Google ScholarMarwodzi, , ‘The Baroawi’, 90. By ‘this country of the Batonga’ he meant the upper Sabi valley; for Hwata, see below.Google Scholar

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⁴⁷ S. N. G. Jackson in NB 6/1/1.

⁴⁸ Leask, , Diaries, 114.Google Scholar

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⁵¹ I am indebted to Mr A. Samasuwo for his translation of this Rozvi dialect word.

⁵² Rukara, in Hist. MSS Misc/RU 4/1/1; MIA Delineation Report, Bikita, 1964;Google ScholarRobert, Moffat, Journals, 1, 369;Google ScholarChapman, J., Travels in the Interior of South Africa 1849–1863 (Cape Town, 1868), 1, 63. I am indebted to Mr J. D. Cobbing for this latter reference.Google Scholar

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⁵⁶ Izidoro, Correia Pereira, ‘Mappa das minas conhecidas na distrito de Senna’, 31 07 1857Google Scholar, in Memoria e Documentos acerca dos Direitos de Portugal aos territorios de Machona e Nyassa 1890 (Lisbon, 1890), 296. ‘Mezircase’ could be a variant of the Hwata praise-name mufakose.Google Scholar

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⁵⁹ Hist. MSS 6/2/1 29 Dec. 1890.

⁶⁰ Garlake, P. S., ‘Seventeenth-century Portuguese earthworks in Rhodesia’, S.A. Archael. Bull. xxi, 84 (1966).Google Scholar

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