Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-rcrh6 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-24T14:55:14.799Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

‘Messing with Coloured People’1: The 1918 Police Strike in Cape Town, South Africa

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 January 2009

Bill Nasson
Affiliation:
University of Cape Town

Extract

This article seeks to provide an interpretation of a strike by white policemen in Cape Town in 1918. It argues that this defensive dispute over wages and living conditions can best be understood not simply through an examination of service dissatisfaction in the urban police community, but by incorporating this episode into the larger picture of South African police development in the early decades of the present century. In this broader context, several factors seem general and influential: local social resentments over the terms of national police organization after Union; police practices and attitudes, especially in relation to the increasing recruitment of Afrikaners; the position of white working-class policemen in the ‘civilized labour’ stratification of Cape Town society; and, most visibly, the inflationary effect of the First World War on the living standards of poorly paid, disaffected and unorganized constables. It is argued that these converging pressures generated a severe crisis of work discipline in 1917 and 1918 which tipped the Cape Town police into a classical natural justice strike. While ordinary policemen were split between petitioners and younger, less hesitant radicals, there was considerable popular support for strikers’ claims, both within the Cape police body and the local white labour movement. The government used a strategy of provisional concessions to settle the dispute. In conclusion, it is suggested that the strike experience helped to strengthen associational bonds between lower-ranking policemen and that a commitment by the state to improved service conditions provided an anxious constabulary with a more secure ‘civilized labour’ identity in the post-World War I period.

Type
Police in South Africa
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1992

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

2 De Burger, 3 Jan. 1918. Gray attempted to get the bail pledge withdrawn.

3 For punitive proceedings, see Cape Archives, CA I/CT 6/431, Magistrate's Records: Cape Criminal Cases, 1918; Cape Times, 10 Jan. 1918.

4 Cape Argus, 18 Jan. 1918.

5 Ashforth, Adam, The Politics of Official Discourse in Twentieth-Century South Africa (Oxford, 1990), 82.Google Scholar

6 For brief and useful descriptive summaries, see Cooper, F. W., ‘A short history of the South African Police—Part I’, Servamus (05, 1972)Google Scholar; Brogden, M. E., ‘The origins of the South African Police—institutional versus structural approaches’, Policing and the Law: Acta Juridica, (1989), 419.Google Scholar More general work on the history and social history of the South African Police is not plentiful. Of special interest as popular memoirs are van Onselen, Lennox, Rhapsody in Blue (Cape Town, 1960)Google Scholar; Searle, Edward, With a Policeman in South Africa (Johannesburg, 1900).Google Scholar Very useful as basic documentary summaries are Dippenaar, Marius, The History of the South African Police 1913–1988 (Pretoria, 1988)Google Scholar; Seegers, Annette, ‘One state, three faces: policing in South Africa (1910–1990)’, Social Dynamics, XVII (1991), 3648.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Recent local studies include Albert Grundlingh, ‘“Protectors and friends of the people”? The South African Constabulary in the Transvaal and the Orange River Colony, 1900–08’, and Nasson, Bill, ‘Bobbies to Boers: police, people and social control in Cape Town’, both in Anderson, D. M. and Killingray, D. (eds.), Policing the Empire: Government, Authority and Control, 1830–1940 (Manchester, 1991), 168–82, 236–54.Google Scholar

7 See Union of South Africa, Report of the Commission of Inquiry to Inquire into the Organisation of the South African Police Force established under Act No. 14 of 1912 (Pretoria, 1926).Google Scholar

8 Union of South Africa, Third Report of the Public Service Commission of Inquiry (Pretoria, 1919), 3.Google Scholar

9 Ibid. 7.

10 Cape Argus, 12 Feb. 1913.

11 Report of the Commission of Inquiry to Inquire into the Organisation of the South African Police, 47.

12 Third Report of the Public Service Commission of Inquiry, 9.

13 Nongquai, XII (1913), 19.Google Scholar

14 Koch, Eddie, ‘The development of a police force on the Witwatersrand, 1886–1906’, Africa Perspective, VIII (1978), 77Google Scholar; see also van der Spuy, E., ‘Literature on the police in South Africa: an historical perspective’, Policing and the Law: Acta Juridica, (1989), 265–7.Google Scholar

15 Third Report of the Public Service Commission of Inquiry, 4.

16 See Goodhew, D., ‘Between the devil and the deep blue sea: crime, policing, and the Western Areas of Johannesburg, c. 1930–1962’ (University of the Witwatersrand Triennial History Workshop Conference Paper, 02 1990).Google Scholar The industrializing uplands of the Transvaal have provided the base for a number of illuminating studies in the social history of crime, criminal justice and class conflict; however, they are less informative on actual policing and police history. This may be because the ‘history-from-below’ approach of much of this writing has usually been more concerned with a working class which was persecuted by a custodial constabulary. Among the most significant of these works are van Onselen, Charles, Studies in the Social and Economic History of the Witwatersrand 1886–1914 (2 vols.) (London, 1982), ii, ch. 4Google Scholar; van Onselen, Charles, ‘Crime and total institutions in the making of modern South Africa: the life of “Nongoloza” Mathebula, 1867–1948’, History Workshop Journal, XIX (1985), 6281CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bonner, Philip, ‘Family, crime and political consciousness on the East Rand, 1939–1955’, J. Southern Afr. Studies, XIV (1988), 393420.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

17 Report of Select Committee on Police Strike, 33, 109.

18 Ibid. 14.

19 Third Report of the Public Service Commission of Inquiry, 8.

20 Union of South Africa, House of Assembly Debates, 1910–11, 364–5.

21 Report of Select Committee on Police Strike, 14.

22 Ibid. 45.

23 Union of South Africa, Interim Reports of the Cost of Living Commission (Pretoria, 1918), 10.Google Scholar

24 For which comparison, see Emsley, Clive, Crime and Society in England, 1750–1900 (London, 1987), 191–2.Google Scholar

25 Complaints about food led the Secretary for Justice to denounce the ‘extravagance’ of policemen who expected ‘eggs or fish’ instead of accepting ‘thrift’ in ‘abnormal times’: Union of South Africa, First Report of Public Service Commission of Inquiry (Pretoria, 1918), 47.Google Scholar

26 Report of Select Committee on Police Strike, 15.

27 House of Assembly Debates, Feb.–July 1917, 82.

28 Report of Select Committee on Police Strike, 102.

29 Ibid. 52.

30 Ibid. 59.

31 Union of South Africa, Report of the Commissioner, South African Police, 1916 (Pretoria, 1917), 23.Google Scholar

32 In 1915, out of a total of 4,103 policemen in the South African Police, only 847 had a service record of ten years or longer: Union of South Africa, Department of Justice Annual Report, 1915 (Pretoria, 1916), 81.Google Scholar

33 Report of Select Committee on Police Strike, 53.

34 Palmer, Stanley, Police and Protest in England and Ireland, 1780–1850 (Cambridge, 1988), 535.Google Scholar

35 Schumann, G. C. W., Structural Changes and Business Cycles in South Africa, 1806–1936 (London, 1938), 121.Google Scholar

36 For useful overall detail, see van der Poel, J., Railways and Customs Policies in South Africa, 1885–1910 (London, 1933), 127, 129Google Scholar; de Kock, M. H., Union of South Africa: Report on Business Cycles, with special reference to the present period of prosperity in the Union (Pretoria, 1929), 125Google Scholar; Selected Subjects in the Economic History of South Africa (Cape Town, 1924), 463Google Scholar; Schumann, , Structural Changes, 92–4, 147Google Scholar; Hatherley, J., ‘The effects of the depression after the Anglo-Boer War on Cape politics, 1902–1910’ (M.A. thesis, University of Cape Town, 1953), 4951, 110–11.Google Scholar

37 Nongquai, 5 Nov. 1911.

38 Department of Justice Annual Report, 1916 (Pretoria, 1917), 51.Google Scholar

39 Union of South Africa, Report of the Select Committee on Drought Distress Relief (Pretoria, 1916), 61.Google Scholar

40 Union of South Africa, Report of Select Committee on European Employment and Labour Conditions (Pretoria, 1913), 92.Google Scholar

41 Report of the Commissioner, South African Police, 1917 (Pretoria, 1918), 36.Google Scholar

42 Davies, Robert H., Capital, State and White Labour in South Africa, 1900–1960 (Brighton, 1979), 115.Google Scholar

43 Kaplan, David, ‘The South African state: the origins of a racially exclusive democracy’, Insurgent Sociologist, x (1980), 90.Google Scholar

44 Williams, Gwyn A., Artisans and Sans-Culottes (London, 1989), 114.Google Scholar

45 Union of South Africa, Report by the Chief Commissioner of Police for Union of South Africa, 1912 (Pretoria, 1913), 4.Google Scholar

46 Report of the Select Committee on Drought Distress Relief, 97.

47 Report of Select Committee on Police Strike, 45.

48 Third Report of the Public Service Commission of Inquiry, 125.

49 Ibid. 34.

50 Report of Select Committee on Police Strike, 16.

51 Ibid. 24.

52 Interview, Mr Alida Lawrence, Cape Town, May 1990; see also Nasson, Bill, Abraham Esau's War: A Black South African War in the Cape, 1899–1902 (Cambridge, 1991), 192.Google Scholar

53 The phrase is George M. Fredrickson's; see Bickford-Smith, Vivian, ‘A “special tradition of multi-racialism”? Segregation in Cape Town in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries’, in James, Wilmot G. and Simons, Mary (eds.), The Angry Divide: Social and Economic History of the Western Cape (Cape Town and Johannesburg, 1989), 61–2Google Scholar; also Nasson, , ‘Bobbies to Boers’, 247.Google Scholar

54 Report by the Chief Commissioner of Police, 1912 (Pretoria, 1913), 30.Google Scholar

55 See Goldin, Ian, Making Race: The Politics and Economics of Coloured Identity in South Africa (Cape Town, 1987), 25–6Google Scholar; Bickford-Smith, , ‘Segregation in Cape Town’, 53–4.Google Scholar

56 House of Assembly Debates, Feb.–July 1917, 303. According to the Minister of Justice, reduced pay and benefits for Coloured (and African) police reflected ‘the customary public and private differentiation in the Union’: House of Assembly Debates, 1912, 2801.

57 Cape Argus, 8 June 1917.

58 Interview, Mrs Ruth Thomas, Cape Town, July 1990.

59 Report of Select Committee on Police Strike, 40.

60 Ibid. 37–8.

61 Ibid. 35.

62 Ibid. 134.

63 Ibid. 20.

64 Ibid. 35.

65 House of Assembly Debates, Nov. 1915–June 1916, 375. After a short investigation by Truter, the Chief Commissioner advised the Minister to raise Lodging Allowances.

66 First Report of the Public Service Commission of Inquiry (Pretoria, 1918), 75.Google Scholar

67 Report of Select Committee on Police Strike, xxiii.

68 Ibid. 4.

69 Ibid. 53.

70 Ibid. 54.

71 Ibid. xiii, 115.

72 Cape Times, 7 Jan. 1918.

73 Report of Select Committee on Police Strike, 19.

74 Ibid. xv.

75 Ibid. 40.

76 As recalled by a relative: interview, Mr L. Wyngaard, Cape Town, June 1990.

77 Report of Select Committee on Police Strike, 94.

78 Ibid. 21.

79 First Report of Public Service Commission of Inquiry, 130.

80 De Burger, 3 Jan. 1918.

81 Cape Times, 1 Jan. 1918.

82 Report of Select Committee on Police Strike, 24.

83 Ibid. 26.

84 First Report of Public Service Commission of Inquiry, 102. In 1918, out of a total Western Province police complement of 1,160, there were only 68 Coloured constables.

85 Lewsen, Phyllis (ed.), Selections from the Correspondence of John X. Merriman (Cape Town, 1964), 284.Google Scholar

86 Cape Times, 10 Jan. 1918.

87 Gitsham, E. and Trembath, J. F., A First Account of Labour Organisation in South Africa (Durban, 1926), 171.Google Scholar

88 House of Assembly Debates, Feb.-July 1917, 303. Later, as Minister of Posts and Telegraphs in the 1924 Pact Government, a maverick Madeley paid African workers in his department comparatively high wages and recognized the Industrial and Commercial Workers’ Union in labour procedures, much to the distaste of his Cabinet colleagues: see Bradford, Helen, A Taste of Freedom: The ICU in Rural South Africa, 1924–1930 (Johannesburg, 1987), 173Google Scholar; Lourens, Janet, ‘Thomas Boydell and unemployment in South Africa’ (M.A. dissertation, University of South Africa, 1990), 241–2Google Scholar; and more biographically, Ticktin, David, ‘The origins of the South African Labour Party, 1888–1910’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Cape Town, 1973), 20, 171, 247.Google Scholar

89 Cape Socialist, 10 Jan. 1918.

90 The International, 11 Jan. 1918. For the International Socialist League and Coloured workers, see Musson, Doreen, Johnny Gomas: Voice of the Working Class—A Political Biography (Cape Town, 1989), 1617.Google Scholar

91 Cape Times, 18 Jan. 1918.

92 First Report of Public Service Commission of Inquiry, 8, 74–5.

93 Van der Spuy, ‘Literature on the police’, 269.

94 For these, see Davies, , White Labour, 132Google Scholar; Freund, B., The African Worker (Cambridge, 1988), 130.Google Scholar

95 Lombaard, David, ‘The Cape Town police strike of 1918’ (B.A.Hons. dissertation, University of Cape Town, 1982)Google Scholar; ‘The Cape Town Police strike of 1918’, in Saunders, Christopher et al. (eds.), Studies in the History of Cape Town, vol. 5 (Cape Town, 1984), 167–88.Google Scholar

96 Cape Argus, 16 September 1917.

97 Kaplan, , ‘South African state’, 87.Google Scholar

98 For which, see Harring, Sidney, Policing a Class Society: The Experience of American Cities, 1865–1915 (Trenton, 1983), 252–3Google Scholar; Miller, Wilbur R., ‘Capitalism and social justice’, Radical History Review, XLII (1988), 92.Google Scholar

99 Report of Select Committee on Police Strike, 141; Third Report of Public Service Commission of Inquiry, 130.

100 Report of Select Committee on Police Strike, 50.

101 Ibid.

102 I am grateful to David Anderson for this sharp observation; for some contrasting appreciation of the trickiness of decolonization and the police institution, see Clayton, Anthony and Killingray, David, Khaki and Blue: Military and Police in British Colonial Africa (Ohio University Monographs in International Studies, no. 51, 1989), 261–6.Google Scholar

103 Third Report of Public Service Commission of Inquiry, 125.