Hostname: page-component-77c89778f8-9q27g Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-07-19T12:46:07.393Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

MAKING RAIN, MAKING MAPS: COMPETING GEOGRAPHIES OF WATER AND POWER IN SOUTHWESTERN AFRICA*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 June 2017

MEREDITH MCKITTRICK*
Affiliation:
Georgetown University, Washington

Abstract

This article explores the alchemy whereby ritual and political worlds invisible to Europeans were rendered visible on European maps. It begins with a puzzle: representations of southwestern Africa's rivers on those maps bear little resemblance to physical reality as the cartographers would have understood it. Using GIS technology to georeference a series of maps and highlight the placement of rivers on them illustrates the convergence of cartographers’ representations and regional political cosmologies linking power to control over water. Travelers’ accounts and colonial archives illuminate how knowledge was produced and why African ideas about geography were inadvertently embedded in those maps well into the twentieth century. This method opens a window into otherwise-obscured African intellectual history and demonstrates that even something as apparently and unambiguously ‘European’ as modern mapping was the result of on-the-ground negotiations well into the colonial period.

Type
Nineteenth-Century Reconstructions
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2017 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

*

I am grateful to Thom McClendon, Lynn Thomas, and the two sets of anonymous readers for The Journal of African History, whose sage advice improved the piece substantially. I'm also deeply indebted to Jean Aroom, who grappled with both a complex argument about a complex hydro-scape and a series of detailed and very confusing historical maps. Jean performed alchemy of her own, turning those maps into something comprehensible and placing them in conversation with the story I tell here. Thanks to Georgetown University for granting me the funds for the GIS work. Author's email: [email protected]

References

1 Noyes, J., Colonial Space: Spatiality in the Discourse of German South West Africa 1884–1915 (Philadelphia, 1992), 164Google Scholar.

2 Harley, J. B., ‘Maps, knowledge, and power’, in Cosgrove, D. and Daniels, S. (eds.), Iconography of Landscape: Essays on the Symbolic Representation, Design, and Use of Past Environments (Cambridge, 1989), 300Google Scholar; see also Noyes, Colonial Space; Carruthers, J., ‘Friedrich Jeppe: mapping the Transvaal c. 1850–1899’, Journal of Southern African Studies, 29:4 (2003), 960–1CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Winichakul, T., Siam Mapped: A History of the Geo-Body of a Nation (Honolulu, 1997)Google Scholar; Bassett, T., ‘Cartography and empire building in nineteenth-century West Africa’, Geographical Review, 84:3 (1994), 316–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3 Daston, L. and Galison, P., ‘The image of objectivity’, Representations, 40 (1992), 81128 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, quoted by Anderson, K., ‘Looking at the sky: the visual context of Victorian meteorology’, The British Journal for the History of Science, 36:3 (2003), 301–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4 Quoted in Bassett, ‘Cartography’, 323. Indeed, as Withers notes, MacQueen himself managed to correctly place the mouth of the Niger River, despite never having set foot in Africa, yet was not believed by more established mapmakers, who argued that he had not seen the area for himself. C. Withers, Mapping the Niger, 1798–1832: trust, testimony, and “ocular demonstration” in the late Enlightenment’, Imago Mundi, 56:2 (2004), 170–93Google Scholar.

5 Edney, M., Mapping an Empire: The Geographical Construction of British India, 1765–1843 (Chicago, 1997), 48–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6 Bassett, T. and Porter, P., ‘“From the best authorities”: the Mountains of Kong in the cartography of West Africa’, The Journal of African History, 32:3 (1991)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, explore a similar collision between travelers’ observations and their expectations.

7 Edney, Mapping, 76.

8 Brochado, B., ‘Descripção das Terras do Humbe, Camba, Mulondo, Quanhama, e Outras’, Annaes do Conselho Ultramarino (1855), 203–8Google Scholar.

9 Livingstone, D., Missionary Travels and Researches in South Africa (Freeport, NY, 1972 [orig. pub. 1857])Google Scholar; Galton, F., ‘Recent expedition into the interior of south-western Africa’, Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London, 22 (1852), 140–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Galton, F., Narrative of an Explorer in Tropical South Africa (London 1853)Google Scholar; Andersson, C. J., ‘Explorations in South Africa, with route from Walfisch Bay to the Tioge River’, Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London, 25 (1855), 79107 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Andersson, C. J., Lake Ngami (London, 1856)Google Scholar.

10 [no author], Der Cunene-Strom vom Fr. Green erreicht’, Petermanns Mitteilungen, 13 (1867), 812 Google Scholar.

11 This trade intersected with a northern trade oriented around ivory and slaves exchanged for firearms, ammunition, alcohol, and consumer goods.

12 For a description of this process, see McKittrick, M., To Dwell Secure: Generation, Christianity and Colonialism in Ovamboland (Portsmouth, NH, 2002)Google Scholar.

13 See, for example, Brochado, ‘Descripcão’; Couceiro, H., Relatorio de Viagem entre Bailundo e as Terras do Mucusso (Lisboa, 1892)Google Scholar; Serpa Pinto, A., How I Crossed Africa: From the Atlantic to the Indian Ocean, Through Unknown Countries, Volume I (Philadelphia, 1881)Google Scholar. One purpose of the Portuguese soldier Henrique Mitchell de Paiva Couceiro's journey down the Kavango in 1890 was purportedly to assess the river's navigability, but political goals clearly took priority, to the point where he traveled with no scientific instruments.

14 Livingstone, Missionary, 81, also 76.

15 Andersson, C. J., The Okavango River: A Narrative of Travel, Exploration, and Adventure (New York, 1861), 230Google Scholar.

16 Serton, P., The Narrative and Journal of Gerald McKiernan in South West Africa 1874–79 (Cape Town 1954), 81Google Scholar.

17 Schinz, H., Deutsch-Südwest-Afrika: Forschungsreisen durch die deutschen Schutzgebiete Gross-Nama- und Hereroland, nach dem Kunene, dem Ngami-See und der Kalahari, 1884–87 (Oldenburg & Leipzig, 1891), 244Google Scholar.

18 Those claims were contested by clans and communities defined as autochthonous. Processes of political struggle between ‘immigrant’ royal clans and indigenous communities have been explored in M. Salokoski, ‘How kings are made – how kingship changes’ (published PhD thesis, University of Helsinki, 2006); W. Louw, ‘Die Sosio-Politieke Stelsel van Die Ngandjera van Ovamboland’ (unpublished MA thesis, University of Port Elizabeth, 1967), 18–20; Fleisch, A. and Möhlig, W., The Kavango Peoples in the Past (Cologne, 2002)Google Scholar; McKittrick, M., ‘Landscapes of power: ownership and identity on the middle Kavango River, Namibia’, Journal of Southern African Studies, 34:4 (2008), 785802 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hartmann, B. and Fisch, M., ‘Die Tjaube, eine Vorbevölkerung im Kavangogebiet’, Journal of the SWA Scientific Society, 40–1 (1985/6, 1986/7), 7595 Google Scholar.

19 Fleisch and Möhlig, Kavango Peoples; Gibson, et al. ., Kavango Peoples (Wiesbaden, 1981), 22Google Scholar; Shampapi Shiremo, 19; L. L. van Tonder, ‘The Hambukushu of Okavangoland’ (unpublished PhD thesis, University of Port Elizabeth), 37–42.

20 Salokoski, Kings, 80–5, 218–25, drawing on a rich Finnish missionary ethnographic record; also Louw, ‘Sosio-Politieke Stelsel’, 19; Williams, F.-N., Precolonial Communities of Southwestern Africa (Windhoek, 1991), 8Google Scholar.

21 For a summary of the ecology of the Cuvelai and Kavango systems, see Mendelsohn, J., el Obeid, S., and Roberts, C., A Profile of North-central Namibia (Windhoek, 2000)Google Scholar; Mendelsohn, J. and el Obeid, S., Okavango River: The Flow of a Lifeline (Cape Town, 2004)Google Scholar.

22 Andersson, C. J., Notes of Travel in South Africa (London, 1875), 234Google Scholar.

23 Salokoski, Kings, 218–25, summarizes the historical sources that reference appeals to northern and riparian rainmakers in the Cuvelai floodplain. On Nkumbi rainmakers, also see Gibson, G., ‘Himba epochs’, History in Africa, 4 (1977), 67121 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Estermann, C., Ethnography of Southwestern Angola, Volume II (New York, 1979), 25–6, 135–6Google Scholar. For Mbukushu rainmaking, see T. Larson, ‘The ecological adaptation of the Mbukushu, a Bantu tribe of Ngamiland’ (unpublished PhD thesis, American University, 1961) and Fisch, M., The Mbukushu in Angola (1730–2002) (Cologne, 2005)Google Scholar.

24 A South African Water Affairs official noted in the 1960s that rainfall in this area plummeted from 1,300 to 400 mm over about 300 miles and that ‘regions with an annual rainfall of over 1,000 mm [had] perennially flowing rivers and streams’.  While his precision is misleading, the correlation between flowing water and rainy environments was widely understood. Stengel, H. W., Wassertwirtschaft in SWA (Windhoek, 1963), 369Google Scholar.

25 Livingstone, Missionary, 75.

26 Een, T. G., Memories of Several Years in South-Western Africa (1866–1871), trans. from Swedish (Windhoek, 2004), 74Google Scholar.

27 J. Chapman, Travels in Southern Africa I, 307. Chapman must have heard this title in the Okavango Delta or dry lands south of the Kavango since he himself seems never to have visited Mbukushu. See also Schulz, A. and Hammar, A., The New Africa (New York, 1897), 304Google Scholar.

28 Green, F., ‘Narrative of an expedition to the north-west of Lake Ngami’, Eastern Province Monthly Magazine, 1 (1857), 389Google Scholar.

29 Duparquet, C., ‘Le fleuve Okavango’, Les Missions catholiques, 12 (1880), 455Google Scholar. In this region, the title fumu is unique to thiMbukushu, but it is an ancient Bantu word with links to ideas about ritual power. See de Luna, K., ‘Affect and society in precolonial Africa’, International Journal of African Historical Studies, 46:1 (2013), 123–50Google Scholar.

30 A. St. Gibbons, H., Africa from South to North through Marotseland, Volume I (London, 1904), 213–14Google Scholar.

31 Schulz and Hammar, New Africa, 155.

32 Gordon, D., ‘The abolition of the slave trade and the transformation of the south-central African interior during the nineteeth century’, William and Mary Quarterly, 66:4 (2009), 915–38Google Scholar, gives a broad overview of these processes. For the Cuvelai plain, see Siiskonen, H., Trade and Socioeconomic Change in Ovamboland, 1850–1906 (Helsinki, 1990)Google Scholar; P. Hayes, ‘A history of the Ovambo of Namibia, c. 1880–1935’ (unpublished PhD thesis, Oxford University, 1992); McKittrick, To Dwell Secure; Kreike, E., Recreating Eden: Land Use, Environment, and Society in Southern Angola and Northern Namibia (Portsmouth, NH, 2004)Google Scholar.

33 Wilmsen, E., ‘Further lessons in Kalahari ethnography and history’, History in Africa, 30 (2003), 338CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

34 Schulz and Hammar, New Africa, 230.

35 Wahlberg, Travel, 156.

36 Andersson, Okavango, 220, 221, 236–9.

37 [no author], ‘Der Cunene-Strom’, 11.

38 Andersson, Okavango, 220.

39 Andersson, Okavango, 221; Baines, T., ‘Notes to accompany Mr. C. J. Andersson's map of Damara Land’, Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London, 36 (1866), 247–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

40 Möller, P., Journey through Angola, Ovampoland, and Damaraland (Cape Town, 1974 [orig. Swedish edn 1899]), 99Google Scholar.

41 Möller, Journey, 103.

42 Andersson, Lake Ngami, 187–8.

43 Een, Memories, 69.

44 National Archives of Namibia (NAN) A-126/1, Box 1, ‘Evidence taken by the drought investigation commission of South West Africa’.

45 Brochado, ‘Descripção’, 191.

46 Möller, Journey, 114.

47 Stengel, Wasserwirtschaft, observed that Cuvelai plain had an average gradient of 1:3,000 and in parts much less, 370. On 379, he explains that ‘backflowing’ could occur when a very full oshana overflowed into an empty channel, its water slowly moving ‘upstream’ to fill the channel.

48 McKittrick, M., ‘“The wealth of these nations”: rain, rulers, and religion on the Cuvelai floodplain’, in Tvedt, T. (ed.), The History of Water (The World of Water, Volume III) (London, 2006), 464Google Scholar.

49 Brochado, ‘Descripção’, 194.

50 Schinz, Deutsch-Südwest-Afrika, 364, emphasis added.

51 Mossolow, N., ‘Aus dem Tagebuch von Charles Duparquet: der Fluss Cuvelai’, Der Kreis, 5:4 (1962), 106–7Google Scholar.

52 Capello, H. and Ivens, R., From Benguella to the Territory of Yacca, Volume I (London 1882), 252Google Scholar.

53 da Costa, E., A Questão do Cuanhama: sul de Angola (Lisbon, 1906), 1112 Google Scholar.

54 de Matos, N., Provincia de Angola (Lisbon, 1922), 235Google Scholar.

55 Marquardsen, Hugo, Angola (Berlin, 1920), 51Google Scholar.

56 Sprigade, P., ‘Karte des Deutsch-portugiesischen Grenzgebiets in Südwestafrika’, Mitteilungen aus den deutschen Schutzgebieten, 25:4 (1912), 330–1Google Scholar.

57 NAN SWAA 598, telegram from Resident Commissioner Ovamboland, quoted by Manning to Acting Secretary for SWA, 25 Apr. 1921; Captain Nelson to Manning, 11 Apr. 1921; Manning to Native Commissioner Ovamboland, 26 Apr. 1921; A. G. Landsberg, Surveyor General, 27 Jan. 1926 to South West Africa Administrator.  Also Kanthack, F. E., ‘Notes on the Kunene River, southern Angola’, The Geographical Journal, 57:5 (1921), 328CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

58 NAN SWAA 598 A 66/1, Hahn to Secretary for South West Africa, 27 Apr. 1925, emphasis added.

59 Hartmann, W. et al. ., Colonising Camera: Photographs in the Making of Namibian History (Athens, OH, 1998), 64–5Google Scholar.

60 For Hahn's tenure as Native Commissioner, see Hayes, P., Hahn, ‘“Cocky” and , theBlack Venus”’, Gender and History, 8:3 (1996), 364–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar; P. Hayes, ‘Northern exposures: the photography of C. H. L. Hahn, Native Commissioner of Ovamboland 1915–1946’, in Hartmann et al., Colonising Camera, 171–87.

61 See especially Stengel, H. W., ‘The Cuvelai: a contribution to the hydrography of South West Africa’, in Stengel, (ed.), Wasserwirtschaft in SWA (Windhoek, 1963)Google Scholar.