Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 January 2009
The responsibility for the retention of the British Protectorates during the period leading up to Union lay more with Lord Selborne than with the British government as a whole. Governemental dealings (both Conservative and Liberal) with the Protectorates up to the era of Lord Selborne had been consistently heedless of the interests of the Africans involved.
The key to the change in policy seems to have been Selborne's dealings with the Basutos. The High Commissioner, from the time of his first exposure to them until years after his departure, continually evidenced the highest regard for the Basutos' intellect, accomplishments and military prowess. Through the vehicle of the National Council, he had a real chance to learn what the nation was thinking, wishing or fearing. Through correspondence with local traders and missionaries (notably the Rev. Jacottet), Selborne had become convinced, by the eve of the National Convention, that the Protectorates, whatever the outcome of the native franchise question, must be withheld from the Union if the current African restlessness, especially in Basutoland, were not to be transformed into outright rebellion. The virtual denial of native representation by the Convention provided Selborne with a plausible and strong reason for doing so. In the face of determined opposition by the Convention, Selborne stood firm, and was backed up by the Colonial office for fear, among other reasons, that he would resign if it did not.
1 Cf. especially Pyrah, G. B., Imperial Policy and South Africa, 1902–1910 (Oxford, 1955);Google ScholarThompson, L. M., The Unification of South Africa, 1902–1910 (Oxford, 1960);Google ScholarWalker, E. A., Lord de Villiers and His Times (London, 1925);Google ScholarWalton, E. H., The Inner History of the National Convention of South Africa (Cape Town, 1912).Google Scholar
2 William, Waldegrave Palmer, second Earl of Selborne (1859–1942).Google Scholar
3 The Bechuanaland Protectorate had been annexed in 1884. The annexation, the cession of some of the territory to the Cape and more to the British South Africa Company, were all done without the knowledge or consent of the Tswana. Guaranteed their independence by the Conventions of 1881 and 1884, the Swazis were nevertheless handed over to the South African Republic (Transvaal) in 1894 without their consent. They were returned to the protection of the British High Commissioner upon the granting of responsible government to the Transvaal in 1906. Basutoland, annexed at the request of Moshoeshoe in 1868 by the High Commissioner, was likewise reannexed to the Cape government in 1871 without its consent, only to be returned to British colonial status in 1884. Cf. particularly Lord, Hailey, Native Administration in the British African Territories: Part V: The High Commission Territories (London, 1953), passim.Google Scholar
4 For the history of the subsequent negotiations between South Africa and Great Britain over the Protectorates, cf., Lord Hailey, The Republic of South Africa and the High Commission Territories (London, 1963).Google Scholar
5 All biographical information on Lord, Selborne is in Dictionary of National Biography (1941–1950), 648–50. There is no biography of him.Google Scholar
6 Hailey, , South Africa, 28;Google ScholarThompson, , Unification of South Africa, 67 ff. The four provinces constituting the Union of South Africa were Natal, the Cape Colony, the Orange River Colony (commonly referred to as the Orange Free State) and the Transvaal.Google Scholar
7 SirLagden, G., The Basutos (a vols., London, 1909), II, 615–16; Address of the Resident Commissioner to the National Council, Maseru (n.d.), C.O. 646/I, P.R.O.;Google ScholarSloley, H. C., ‘Recent developments in Basutoland’, Journal of the African Society, XVI no. 62 (1917), 114–19.Google Scholar
8 Cd. 3094, National Archives, Cape Town; ‘Address of P. C. Letsie to High Commissioner Selborne’, 24 Feb. 1906, S3/z8/ i/i, Lesotho National Archives, Maseru (hereafter, L.N.A.).
9 Report of High Commissioner's Visit to Bechuanaland Protectorate, Apr. 1906, ibid.
10 Orpen to Sir Joseph West Ridgeway, Chairman of the South African Inquiry Committee, MS 1250, Orpen Papers, Cory Library, Rhodes University, Grahamstown, printed in Cape Times, 25 Apr. 1906.
11 Selborne, to Lord, Elgin, 6 05 1907, Enclosure 2 toGoogle ScholarSelborne, to Sloley, H. C., Resident Commissioner, 07 07 1907, S3/28/I/I, L.N.A. Lord Elgin was Colonial Secretary until Apr. 1908, when he was replaced by Lord Crewe. Although he does not mention it here, Selborne was well aware that the Basutos in fact had rebelled when the attempt had been made to disarm them. This provoked the ‘Gun War’ (1880–1), which to all intents and purposes they won, since they retained their guns.Google Scholar
12 Selborne, to Lord, Elgin (Confidential), 30 03. 1908, Enclosure 2 toGoogle ScholarSelborne, to Sloley, , II 03. 1908,Google Scholaribid. (Italics mine.)
13 Pyrah, , Imperial Policy and South Africa, 156–60, 174–7. The case was the same for the Free State, given self-government a year later.Google Scholar
14 Ibid. 109; Hailey, , South Africa, 28.Google Scholar
15 The Hon. John X. Merriman, Prime Minister of the Cape Colony and Cape delegate to the Convention.
16 Selborne, to Crewe, (Confidential), 8 05 1908, C.O. 879/ 97, P.R.O.Google Scholar
17 Pyrah, , Imperial Policy and South Africa, 127.Google Scholar
18 De, Villiers to Smuts, J. C., 3 Sept 1908, quoted in Walker, E. A., Lord de Villiers and His Times (London, 1925), 441.Google Scholar
19 Selborne, to Crewe, (Confidential), 22 06 1908, C.O. 879/97, P.R.O.Google Scholar
20 Crewe to Selborne (Confidential), 17 July 1908, C.O. 879/106, P.R.O.
21 Selborne, to Crewe, (Confidential), 23 07 1908,Google Scholaribid.
22 Crewe, to Selborne, (Confidential), 5 08. 1908,Google Scholaribid.; Selborne, to Crewe, (Confidential), 17 09. 1908,Google Scholaribid.
23 Ibid.
24 Selborne, to Crewe, (Confidential), 7 07 1908,Google Scholaribid.
25 Selborne to Crewe (Confidential), 17 Sep. 1908, ibid.
26 Thompson, , Unification of South Africa, 91; cf. also notes 15 and 16 above.Google Scholar
27 Selborneto, Sloley, 29 08. 1908, S 3/28/I/18, L.N.A.;Google Scholar Sloley to Jacottet (Confidential), 3 Nov. 1908, ibid.; Sloley to Selborne (Confidential), 8 Sep. 1908, ibid.
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30 Crewe, to Selborne, (Secret), 16 10. 1908, C.O. 879/106, P.R.O.Google Scholar
31 Selborne to Crewe (Secret), 6 Nov. 1908, ibid.; Thompson, , Unification of South Africa, 124–5; 271, 272. Selborne was probably too sanguine about chances for the safety of the Protectorates in the hands of the Governor-General in Council, for under the South Africa Act, in practice the Executive Council was the same body as the Cabinet.Google Scholar
32 Thompson, , Unification of South Africa, 125, 275.Google Scholar
33 Kruger, D. W., The Age of the Generals (Johannesburg, 1961), 41;Google ScholarSelborne, to Crewe, (Secret), 6 11. 1908, C.O. 879/106, P.R.O. Merriman eventually won his point: the Basutoland National Council was not specifically named in the final version of the Constitution.Google Scholar
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35 Selborne to de Vilijers (n.d.): ‘I and the Resident Commissioners will answer for the Protectorates—I will guarantee to keep them perfectly quiet, but I must answer the questions the Chiefs are constantly sending me.’ Walker, , Lord de Villiers, 463–4.Google Scholar
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39 Thompson, Unification of South Africa, chap. vi, passim.
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42 Statements of Josias, Labane and Abiathara, Minutes of the National Council, 1 Mar. 1909, S3/20/1/2, L.N.A.
43 Eric, A. Walker, W. P. Schreiner: a South African (London, 1937), 323; Minutes of the Fourth Session, National Council, S3/28/1/2B, L.N.A.Google Scholar
44 Sections 150 and 151 became Sections 149 and 150 in the final version of the South Africa Act.
45 Drew, D. W., Orange River Colony Legislative Council to Jacottet, , 6 05 1909, Jacottet Papers. Drew, former editor of The Friend (Bloemfontein), was a prominent liberal politician and journalist.Google Scholar
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