Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 January 2009
The British reduction of Lagos in 1851, their establishment of a semi-protectorate under the consuls, and the annexation of 1861 were due to a complex of causes, partly British, partly African: the movement to suppress the slave trade and to prevent its revival under the guise of contract labour; the encouragement of legitimate trade; the need to protect British and immigrant interests; missionary ambition; French rivalry; the rift in and subsequent weakness of the monarchy; the disordered state of the interior; the Dahomean threat to Abeokuta. Benjamin Campbell, the first substantive consul, laid the foundations of British rule, while his short-lived successors Brand and Foote helped to persuade the British Government that it was desirable and feasible to effect the transition to a colony. The consular decade at Lagos was a time of change which foreshadowed many of the issues of the Partition and was the first step in the making of Nigeria.
1 The name ‘Lago de Curamo’ was applied to the eastern lagoon. Osifekunde in Curtin, P. D. (ed.), Africa Remembered (Wisconsin, 1967), 239, says that ‘Korame’ is the Bini name for Lagos. There are traces of other names: Onim, Aunis, and Awani (which must be Awori).Google Scholar
2 Duarte, Pacheco Pereira, Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis (tr. ed. Kimble, G. H. T.) (London, 1937), 523–4.Google Scholar
3 Lagos tradition has been recorded notably by Losi, J. B., History of Lagos (Lagos, 1914; 1967 ed.).Google Scholar For background, see Mabogunje, A., Lagos: a Study in Urban Geography (Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1962),Google Scholar chap. i-iii, and Robert, Smith, Kingdoms of the Yoruba (London, 1969), 89–94.Google Scholar
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5 If this suggestion about the increasing wealth and hence power of the monarchy is accepted, Lagos would qualify as an example of those states in which, according to Lloyd, P. C., The Political Development of Yoruba Kingdoms in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (London, 1971), passim and especially 1, 47, ‘the exploitation of newly available resources’ began to change a ‘tribally structured’ government into a ‘highly centralized’ one.Google Scholar
6 The Eletu Odibo, a leading Akarigbere, and the Ashagbon, head of the war chiefs, together consulted the Ifa oracle over the naming of a new Oba.
7 The organization and precedence of the Lagos chieftancies are disputed, and confusion has been increased rather than mitigated by the Ward–Price Commission of Inquiry into the headship of ‘the House of Docemo’ of 1933 and the Lagos State Inquiry into the selection and appointment of chiefs of 1967. Seniority of chiefs within their order is fairly clearly based, however, on the date of their installation, the Iwoye ceremony.
8 See Law, R. C. C., ‘The Dynastic Chronology of Lagos’, Lagos Notes and Records, II, 2 (1968),Google Scholar for the dating of reigns of the Oba. A list of rulers with their dates was compiled by the Rev. Gollmer, C. A. and enclosed in FO84/920, Campbell, to Clarendon, , 11 09 1853.Google Scholar
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17 FO84/816, Palmerston, to Beecroft, , 25 02 1850, passing on these views. The traders' recommendation dates back to 1819:Google ScholarRobertson, G. A., Notes on Africa (London, 1819), 290–1. The first missionary suggestions came from the Anglicans. See, for example, CA2/085(b), Townsend to C. M. S., 25 March 1847. For an Egba appeal, see FO84/816,Google ScholarBeecroft, to Palmerston, , 15 08 1851, enclosing Sagbua and other chiefs to Palmerston, 15 08 1851.Google Scholar
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35 Scala's, Memorie (Sampierdarena, 1862) give a romanticized, unreliable but still useful account of Lagos and Abeokuta in this period. Mr. Mrs. J. B. Packman have prepared a translation with an account of Scala's life. See Robert Smith, ‘Giambattista Scala, trader, adventurer, and first Italian representative in Nigeria’, J. Hist. Soc. Nigeria, forthcoming.Google Scholar
36 PP. 1862, LXI, no. 2, 214. It was signed by two Britons, a Hungarian and a Portuguese.
37 CMI, III (1852), 125–6, White's journal.
38 Ibid. 131–3. During this visit Gollmer cultivated the acquaintance of the chiefs from Ijebu Ode who had come to sign the anti-slaving treaty.
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49 The earlier career of Campbell in Sierra Leone and elsewhere on the West Coast is of considerable interest. The writer acknowledges here the generous hep of Mr Christopher Fyfe in tracing Campbell's background and descendants, a tangled story.
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65 See CA2/1031(a), Crowther, to Venn, , 28 11 1853 for an early complaint.Google Scholar
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105 CO96/58, Russell, to Newcastle, , 7 02 1861;Google ScholarGavin, , Palmerston's Policy, 243–6.Google Scholar
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109 CO96/58, Russell, to Newcastle, , 7 02 1861.Google Scholar
110 FO84/1141, minutes of 3 March 1861 and 4 April 1861, following Foote, to Russell, , 7 01 1861Google Scholar but probably misplaced and referring to Foote, to Russell, , 9 01 1861.Google Scholar
111 FO84/1141, Palmerston's minute of 20 March 1861 on Foote, to Russell, , 9 02 1861.Google Scholar
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114 McCoskry, known to the Lagosians as Oba Apongbon, ‘Chief Redbeard’, had a long career on the coast and, like Campbell, is ripe for biography. While visiting Britain early in 1861 he bought the Clyde tug Advance which did yeoman service across the Lagos bar. It was McCoskry who as first (Acting) Governor of Lagos laid down the roadway along the waterfront, famous as the Marina.
115 FO84/1141, McCoskry, to Russell, , 508 1861, 7 08 1861;Google ScholarBedingfield, to McCoskry, , 8 08 1861.Google Scholar For the protests against the annexation and for the annexation proceedings, see PP. 1862, LXI (2982) (3003). There is an entertaining description by Burton, , Wanderings, 216–17, probably based on information from McCoskry.Google Scholar
116 CO147/2, McLeod, to Newcastle, , 21 11 1861, suggesting the opening up of the Lagos hinterland by a timber tram road from Lagos to Rabba. Scala, too, speculated in the last chapter of his Memorie on the possibility of linking Lagos with Abeokuta by a railway.Google Scholar
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120 The article derives from a seminar paper given at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies, Oxford in Nov. 1972 and is based on a much longer manuscript concerning the consular period at Lagos.