¹ A. H. Jacobs, ‘A bibliography of Maasai’, revised 1965, mimeo. For the purposes of this article, Maasai personal names will be introduced using the traditional ‘ole’, and thereafter only the patronym will be employed. It should also be noted that Maasai orthography has changed rather radically in the last twenty years; there are therefore a number of unavoidable discrepancies between Maasai names in quotations and those in the text; such changes are usually of the order ‘Mulungit’ (old) to ‘Molonket’.

² Jacobs, , ‘The pastoral Masai of Kenya: A report of anthropological field research’ (mimeo, 1963), 1–10.Google Scholar

³ Hobley, C. W., Eastern Uganda, Anthropological Institute Occasional Papers, no. 1 (1902), ii,Google Scholar quoted in Ogot, B. A., ‘Reverend Alfayo Odongo Mango’ in King, and Salim, , Kenya Historical Biographies (forthcoming, Longmans, 1971).Google Scholar

⁴ Sorrenson, M. P. K., Origins of European Settlement in Kenya (Nairobi, 1968), 276.Google Scholar

⁵ The fathers of both men were Loogolala Maasai.

⁶ Matson, A. T., ‘Francis Hall’, in King, and Salim, , Biographies.Google Scholar

⁷ McIntosh, B. G., ‘The Scottish Mission in Kenya 1891–1923’ (Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Edinburgh, 1969), 108–10.Google Scholar

⁸ See, for instance, Muriuki, G., ‘A History of the Kikuyu to 1904’ (Unpublished Ph.D. thesis London, 1969),Google Scholar and Lawren, W. L., ‘Masai and Kikuyu: An historical analysis of culture transmission’, J. Afr. Hist., ix, no. 4 (1968), 571–83.CrossRefGoogle Scholar One of the most significant Maasai borrowings was of the line of ritual experts which produced Supeet, Mbatiany and Senteu; originally this was from the Mathenge mbari; see Thuku, H., Kihumo kia Mbari ya Gathirimu (Gitamay, Ruiru, 1932).Google Scholar

⁹ J. S. Stauffacher to F. Minch (his fiancée), 20 Feb. 1904, Stauffacher papers (S.P.); also T. Maitei Mootian, interview 19 Aug. 1969.

¹⁰ Stauffacher to Minch, 1 Mar. 1905, S.P. Shanga does in fact turn up momentarily at Rumuruti in 1908.

¹¹ For information on the Loogolala movement, I am indebted to Dr Jacobs.

¹² See, however, A. J. Temu, ‘The role of the Bombay Africans on the Mombasa Coast’, 1969 Historical Association of Kenya Conference paper.

¹³ Mootian, typescript on Maasai age-sets; also Mootian, 19 Aug. 1969. Further Maasai of this coast diaspora would be Ali Mututua, a Loodokilani, who went from Zanzibar to Mombasa, and eventually returned to be a game ranger; also Olorguris, a Sigirari, who after a time in Rabai, became a chief in Loitokitok.

¹⁴ McIntosh, , op. cit. 109.Google Scholar

¹⁵ J. T. Mpaayei, personal communication; also, Stauffacher to Minch, 16 Nov. 1903, S.P.

¹⁶ Westervelt, J. H., On Safari for God (n.d.), 42;Google Scholar and Mpaayei, interview 6 Oct. 1969.

¹⁷ Stauffacher to Minch, 29 Apr. 1904, S.P.

¹⁸ Stauffacher to Minch, 15 June 1904, S.P.; for the early background of the Maasai Move, see Leys, N., Kenya (London, 1924), ch. ivGoogle Scholar, and Correspondence relating to the Masai, Cd. 5584 (London, 1911).Google Scholar

¹⁹ Stauffacher to Minch, 13 June 1905, S.P.

²⁰ Stauffacher to Minch, 13 June 1905, S.P.

²¹ Flora Stauffacher diaries, 1906–9 (F.S.D.).

²² Hollis, A. C., ‘Memorandum on the Masai’, inclosed in Correspondence, see no. 18, p. 17.Google Scholar

²³ Jacobs, , ‘The pastoral Maasai’, 11–12.Google Scholar

²⁴ ‘Narok District Annual Report for 1929’, D.C./NRK 1/2/2, Kenya National Archives (K.N.A.); cf. also East Africa Royal Commission, 1953–1955, Report Cmd. 9475 (H.M.S.O. London, 1955), 293–352.Google Scholar It should be stressed that the Kenya situation did not correspond at all to Tanganyika, where D.C.s in the Maasai areas competed yearly to get more stock to market.

²⁵ Mpaayei, op. cit. For a more detailed account of Sempele's sojourn in Boydton Academic and Bible Institute, Boydton, Virginia, see K. J. King, ‘Molonket Olokorinya ole Sempele’, in King and Salim, op. cit.

²⁶ For further information on Kindi, see Burbridge, Oliver, Tagi: Soldier-EvangelistTranslator (Africa Inland Mission, London, n.d.).Google Scholar

²⁷ Mootian, 19 Aug. 1969, Mpaayei, 6 Oct. 1969.

²⁸ Sandford, G. R., An Administrative and Political History of the Masai Reserve (London, 1919),Google Scholar appendices on Civil Case no. 91 of 1912, and Court of Appeal for Eastern Africa, Ole le Njogo et al. versus Attorney General.

²⁹ For the government interpretation, see E. B. Denham's memorandum on Leys, 27 Mar. 1925, C.O. 533/330, Public Record Office. Leys himself suggests that two other Europeans were responsible for ole Gelisho taking court action, Kenya, 113.

³⁰ Burbridge, op. cit. For Kindi's impressions, see Inland Africa (Brooklyn), ii (8 08. 1918), 15.Google Scholar

³¹ Sandford, op. cit. 73 ff.Google Scholar Cf. also, Savage, D. C. and Munro, J. F., ‘Carrier Corps Recruitment in the British East Africa Protectorate’. J. Afr. Hist., vii, no. 2 (1966), 315–6.Google Scholar

³² For instance, Nottingham, J. and Rosberg, C. G., The Myth of Mau Mau (Nairobi, 1966);Google ScholarOgot, B. A., ‘Kenya under the British, 1895–1963’, in Kieran, J. A. and Ogot, (eds.), Zamani (Nairobi, 1968), 268–9;Google ScholarBennett, G., ‘Settlers and politics in Kenya’, in Oxford History of East Africa, vol. ii, 293–4.Google Scholar

³³ Mootian, 8 Aug. 1969.

³⁴ It is interesting to note that just as Kenyatta refused to let himself be apprenticed to industrial work at this school, so Chief Masikonte was quite adamant with the D.C. Narok on what he thought was appropriate education for his sons: ‘Masikonde has asked me to tell you that he wants them to learn to read and write English and not to do other work. I am afraid that unless you can see your way to do this, he will not be persuaded to return them.’—A. R. Luckman to A. R. Barlow, 2 Feb. 1915, Presbyterian Church of East Africa archives (P.C.E.A.). On Kenyatta at this period, see J. W. Arthur to W. M. McLachlan, 15 Feb. 1929, Edinburgh House.

³⁵ Mootian, 8 Aug. 1969.

³⁶ Thuku, Harry, Autobiography (narrated to K. J. King), (Nairobi, 1970), 29.Google Scholar

³⁷ Ibid. This somewhat contradicts Mungeam's assertion that the Maasai ‘did not contribute significantly to the outburst of protest at that time’, ‘Masai and Kikuyu responses to the establishment of British administration in the East Africa Protectorate’, J. Afr. Hist., xi, no. 1 (1970), 134.Google Scholar

³⁸ D. C. Elliot (Ngong) to Supt. of Police, Nairobi, 5 Oct. 1922, referred to in Lonsdale, J., ‘Some origins of nationalism in East Africa’, J. Afr. Hist., ix, no. i (1968), 126.Google Scholar

³⁹ Mootian, 19 Oct. 1969; Peter Kuyioni ole Kasura, 6 Aug 1969.

⁴⁰ Mootian and Kasura, ibid. Also Mpaayei, 6 Oct. 1969.

⁴¹ Municipal Native Affairs Officer to D.C., Nairobi, n.d., P.C./CP 18/3/2, K.N.A.

⁴² Annual Report Narok District, 1925, 23, D.C./NRK 1/1/2, K.N.A.

⁴³ Mootian, 8 Aug. 1969, 19 Oct. 1969; also J. W. Arthur to Downing, 16 Jan. 1929, Africa Inland Mission archives (A.I.M.A.).

⁴⁴ Diary entry for 27 Apr. 1929, F.S.D. As late as 1944 the A.I.M. were very concerned at letting the C.S.M. into ‘their sphere’: ‘…It surely is not a progressive sign for our mission to turn over places to other missions because we cannot work them’, A. Losier to Davis, 24 Sept. 1944, A.I.M.A.

⁴⁵ Nottingham, and Rosberg, , op. cit. 118.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Diary entry for 19 Aug. 1929, F.S.D.

⁴⁷ Entry for 29 Dec. 1929, F.S.D.

⁴⁸ Entry 8 Feb. 1930, F.S.D.

⁴⁹ Kasura and Mpaayei, op. cit. Entry 16 Feb. 1930, F.S.D.; also, Stauffacher, G. T., ‘Faster Beats the Drum’, unpublished MS 173.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Entry 16 Feb. 1930, F.S.D.

⁵¹ Sing'idi, Mootian and Sempele seem on at least one occasion to have used the traditional ritual honey wine of the Maasai within the context of their movement.

⁵² F. M. Stauffacher to Cora Brunemeier, 21 Aug. 1930, S.P. Also Mpaayei, op. cit.

⁵³ A.I.M, . Prayer Letter March 1930 (A.I.M. Press, Kijabe).Google Scholar Mrs Stauffacher mentioned a possible source of Sempele's troubles: ‘I think one of his biggest difficulties is pride. He can't stand it when he isn't the big fellow. And of course the Lord can't use such a one very well nor very long. As he gets older it seems to grow on him. He can't see why he shouldn't have a position of responsibility in the church …’—F. M. Stauffacher to Dear Ones on the other two sides, 1 May 1930, S.P. It should be noted that this absence of church status for Sempele was in very great contrast to the position of age-set spokesman for the whole of the Keekonyokie Maasai which was going to be Sempele's before he joined the mission.

⁵⁴ Entries 2–3 Sept. 1930, F.S.D.

⁵⁵ Mpaayei, op. cit.

⁵⁶ Entries 16–18 Mar. 1930, F.S.D.

⁵⁷ Mootian, 8 Aug. 1969; Kasura, op. cit.

⁵⁸ For a useful reader on protest politics in Kenya generally, see Ogot, B. A. and Lonsdale, J., The African Voice in Kenya (Heinemann and East African Publishing House, forthcoming 1971).Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Thuku and Mootian were both quite explicit on their strategy for naming their respective political associations so as to have maximum impact on the colonial government; Mootian, 8 Aug. 1969; Thuku, , Autobiography, 22.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Field Director, A.I.M. to D.C., Narok, 4 Dec. 1930, A.I.M.A.

⁶¹ Field Director to Major Dawson, D.C., Narok, 12 March 1931, A.I.M.A.

⁶² The sort of complexity this K.C.A. connexion could bring for Sempele and his associates is well shown by this excerpt from F. Stauffacher diaries, 13–14 Apr. 1931:

‘Jno (Mr. Stauffacher) was given a copy of a letter and paper drawn up by the K.C.A. This they took to Dawson but he didn't seem much interested in it but said he'd see Masagondi. A letter came this p.m. to say Masagondi would come tomorrow for shauri with us.… Masagondi came ab't 8.30. Mulungit right with him; Jno declared the trouble here was K.C.A. Mulungit denied. Jno declared we have no kidole* now. Mulungit denied. Soon others came. Masagondi listened well to Mu. until Jno brot out the letter saying K.C.A. were doing so and so and signed by about a doz. among them Masagondi's 3 sons. Masagondi and all were surprised as to where it came from…’

* kidole=the thumbmark insisted on by the mission to show that a man would stand against female circumcision.

⁶³ F. M. Stauffacher to Dear Ones, 18 Sept. 1930, S.P.; entry 21 Apr. 1931, F.S.D.

⁶⁴ Mootian, 8 Aug. 1969.

⁶⁵ Mootian to D.C. Narok, 18 April 1939, loose file, L.N.D./16/1 in Narok District archives (N.D.A.).

⁶⁶ James Ngatia and Joseph Kango to the Officer-in-Charge, Masai District, 24 Jan. 1946, P.C./Nakuru, 2/24, K.N.A.

⁶⁷ Jacobs, , ‘The pastoral Maasai’, 54–5.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ See further K. J. King, ‘Harry Thuku’, in King and Salim, op. cit.

⁶⁹ Ngatia and Kango to Officer-in-Charge, 16 Jan. 1948, P.C./Nakuru, 2/24, K.N.A.

⁷⁰ Kasura, op. cit.

⁷¹ ‘Narok District Annual Report, 1948’, 2, D.C./NRK, 2/1/1, K.N.A.

⁷² Meshack K. Tome, Daniel W. Naimodet and George S. Molonget to Hon. Secretary K.A.S.U., 2 Jan. 1945, loose file, N.D.A.

⁷³ Nottingham, and Rosberg, , op. cit. 214.Google Scholar See further on the origins of K.A.S.U.-K.A.U., Thuku, , Autobiography, 65–6.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Hon. General Secretary of Kenya African Union to D.C. Narok, 4 Oct. 1950, loose file as 71 above.

⁷⁵ ‘Narok District Annual Report, 1950’, 1, D.C./NRK 2/1/1, K.N.A.

⁷⁶ Monthly Intelligence Report, Nov. 1948, file AD/REP/M/N, N.D.A. Also, District Officer's Safari Report, Shapaltarakwa, June 1950, file, LND/16/2, N.D.A.

⁷⁷ For an account of the Olenguruone experiment, see Nottingham, and Rosberg, , op. cit. 248–59.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Mootian to D.C. Narok, 14 Sept. 1949, LND/16/2, N.D.A.

⁷⁹ Sorrenson, M. P. K., Land Reform in the Kikuyu Country (Nairobi, 1967), 75.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ P.C., Southern Province to D.C. Narok, 23 May 1955, P.C./Nakuru, 2/24, K.N.A. Also, Maasai Association to the Governor, 29 Nov. 1950, LND/16/2, N.D.A.

⁸¹ Mootian, 8 Apr. 1969.

⁸² It is interesting to note for instance that Mootian was detained from 1954–7, and restricted to within two miles of his house from 1957–64.

⁸³ Extract from Southern Province Intelligence Summary, May 1955, P.C./Nakuru, 2/24, K.N.A.

⁸⁴ Special Branch Report on Kalekal and Ilkamanike Association, inclosed in D.C. Narok to P.C., Southern Province, 30 May 1955, P.C./Nakuru, 2/24, K.N.A. Many of the members of the above association also participated in the Kajiado Masai Teachers Union (K.M.T.U.) which had also been recently revived; see minutes of the K.M.T.U. meeting, 9 Oct. 1954, P.C./Nakuru 2/24, K.N.A.

⁸⁵ D.C. Narok, Monthly Intelligence Report, May and July 1955, P.C./Nakuru, 2/24, K.N.A.

⁸⁶ P. K. ole Sadera et al. to D.C. Narok, 30 Dec. 1955, loose file, N.D.A. Also, D.C. Narok to District Officer, Kilgoris, 3 Jan. 1956, ibid.

⁸⁷ Monthly Report Transmara Division, May 1956, ibid.

⁸⁸ Sadera to President O.L.O., 9 May 1956, ibid.

⁸⁹ Correspondence on Associations file, N.D.A.

⁹⁰ Mootian, 8 Aug. 1969.