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Kazembe and the Portuguese 1798–1832
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 January 2009
Extract
During the century from 1760 to 1860 the territory of the present southern Katanga, eastern Angola and north-eastern Rhodesia lay to a great extent under the suzerainty of two powerful monarchs, Mwata Yamvo in the west and Kazembe in the east. Their common border was the Lualaba river. Both were Lunda by tribe: Mwata Yamvo was the senior in that it was from the capital of his kingdom, which had been in existence possibly for a century or more, that Kazembe's ancestor set out in the early eighteenth century to conquer east of the Lualaba. About 1740 he established his own capital near Lake Mweru in the lower Luapula valley.
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References
1 Valdez, F. T., Six Years of a Traveller's Life in Western Africa (London, 1861, Hurst and Blackett), II, 174;Google ScholarPlancquaert, M., Les Jaga et les Bayaka du Kwango, Brussels, 1932 (Institut Royal Colonial Belge), 78.Google Scholar
2 A legend widely spread in Rhodesia, N.E. states that an eastward migration was headed by a white man, often identified with the mythical figure Luchele Nganga, accompanied by a dog, who then both disappeared. The motif of whites then is closely connected with eastward moves. See chaptér on ‘Origins’ in The Human Geography of the Mweru-Luapula District (MS. in Rhodes-Livingstone Institute).Google Scholar
3 Kazembe, Mwata XIV, Ifikolwe fyandi na Bantu bandi (London, 1951, Macmillan), 14Google Scholar and Pogge, P., Im Reiche des Muata Jamwo (Berlin, 1880, Dietrich Reimer), 225–6.Google Scholar
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5 Travessia, 384–5.Google Scholar
6 Travessia, 387. Burton in his translation of this paragraph nowhere indicates that he has omitted half of it; it is in fact preceded by a very confusing passage. The Lands of Cazembe, 37. I can find no direct reference to this earlier indirect trade between Mozambique and Kazembe which is suggested by Pereira's words, but Burton refers to Annaes Maritimas e Coloniaes in which mention is made of Bisa trade with Quelimane.Google Scholar
7 Travessia, 388–9. (Burton wrote ‘evidently’ instead of ‘ardently’ in the first sentence.)Google Scholar
8 Ibid.. 383. Cf.Burton, The Lands of Cazembe, 46, fn.Google Scholar
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11 Ibid.. 398.
12 The Lands of Cazembe, 33 (from a letter not included in Travessia).
13 de Oliveiro Boléo, J., ‘A Viagem do Dr Lacerda e Almeida’, 8 (Lisbon, 1938, in the series Exploraçoes dos Portugueses em Africa).Google Scholar
14 The Lands of Cazembe, 3.Google ScholarThis is mentioned neither in Boléo, nor in Murias, op. cit. and I have found no independent confirmation.Google Scholar
15 See reproduction of a contemporary account in de Sousa e Silva, P. A., Distrito de Tete, Lisbon, 1927 (Livraria Portugalia Editora), 25, 27, 30, which also gives destinations of caravans at the time.Google Scholar
16 And some unsuccessful expeditions had set out from Benguela (see de Sousa e Silva, op. cit. 26).Google Scholar
17 Boléo, op. cit. 8.Google Scholar
18 Translated in The Lands of Cazembe, 14–15 (not in Travessia).Google Scholar
19 The Lands of Cazembe, 19–21.Google Scholar
20 Travessia, 146.Google Scholar
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22 From report by Capt.-General of the Sena Rivers A. N. de Barbosa de Vilas-Boas Truão, quoted in de Sousa e Silva, op. cit. 37–38. The Crown Estates were not abolished until 1854.Google Scholar
23 Travessia, 244.
24 Ibid.. 260–1.
25 Ibid.. 267.
26 Ibid.. 272.
27 Ibid.. 329.
28 The Lands of Cazembe, 225.Google Scholar
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30 Both the Governor of Angola and the chief of an African tribe close to the Angolan Portuguese were called by this name in the interior.Google Scholar
31 Travessia, 73–74.Google Scholar
32 From the Angolan Portuguese pombo, road: travelling agents.Google Scholar
33 Letter of the Director, translated in The Lands of Cazembe, 201–2.Google Scholar
34 The Pombeiros' diary, written by Baptista, was published in Annaes Maritimas e Coloniaes, and is translated with connected documents in The Lands of Cazembe, the translation being by B. A. Beadle.Google ScholarLatterly it was translated (from the English version mostly) into French by Verbeken, A. and Walraet, M. in La Première Traversée du Katanga en 1806, Brussels, 1953 (Institut Royal Colonial Belge), along with an excellent commentary on the route and on the Pombeiros' significance as the first recorders of this part of Katanga.Google Scholar
35 Livingstone reported from Tete in 1860: ‘A lady now living at Tette, Donna Eugenia, remembers distinctly these slaves—their woolly hair dressed in the Lunda fashion, till letters came from the Governor-General of Mozambique, which they successfully carried back to Cassange.’ He goes on: ‘on this slender fibre hangs all the Portuguese pretensions to having possessed a road across Africa’.Google ScholarThe Zambesi and its Tributaries (London, 1865, Murray), 260.Google Scholar
36 Travessia, 379.Google Scholar
37 The Lands of Cazembe, 167–8.Google Scholar
38 Ibid.. 230.
39 Ibid.. 231.
40 Ibid.. 226.
41 Ibid.. 230.
42 The Lands of Cazembe, 228–32.Google Scholar
43 Decrees issued by the Prince Regent from the Palace of Rio de Janeiro, 28–8–1815, translated in The Lands of Cazembe, 244.Google Scholar
44 His name was Joāo Vicente da Cruz, and he had gone in company with the interpreter of the later Monteiro expedition, José Vicente de Aquino. Kazembe claimed he had left unpaid debts incurred in civil suits. Gamitto, op. cit. 226, 229.Google Scholar
45 See Poole, E. H. Lane, ‘An Early Portuguese Settlement in Northern Rhodesia’, Journal of the Royal African Society, April 1931, 164–8. Lane Poole had clearly not read Gamitto's important passage on this settlement at Marambo.Google Scholar
46 Gamitto, op. cit. 138–9.Google Scholar
47 The Lands of Cazembe, 11.Google Scholar
48 Bradley, K. G., ‘Viagem á Contracosta’, Northern Rhodesia Journal, 111, no. 4 (reprinted from The African Observer). In The Lands of Cazembe what is described as a ‘résumé’ of this expedition consisted of no more than a translation of about ten pages out of the book's 486. My complete translation is now in the press in Lisbon.Google Scholar
49 Gamitto, op. cit., xvii–xix.Google Scholar
50 Monteiro was in charge, Gamitto the second-in-command. Monteiro (not the author of Angola and the River Congo) left only brief notes which were not published.
51 Gamitto, op. cit. xx.Google Scholar
52 Ibid.. 244.
53 Ibid.. 249.
54 Ibid.. 247.
55 Gamitto, loc. cit.Google Scholar
56 Ibid.. 323.
57 Ibid.. 315.
58 Ibid.. 282.
59 Ibid.. 313. I have heard it said by Europeans in N. Rhodesia that Kazembe was created a Count of Portugal, but have so far found no evidence about this in literature.
60 Ibid.. 280.
61 Ibid.. 329. It is still the custom for Kazembe to report his dreams to his advisers, who interpret them as if the ancestor were trying to point out to the reigning monarch some breach of custom for which he is responsible. Lacerda was buried near the cemetery of the kings and was accorded a ‘gravekeeper’ in royal fashion.
62 Standard cloths (fatos de lei) the commonest cloths available and those normally used in commercial transactions with native tribes.Google Scholar
63 Gamitto, loc. cit. 337–8.Google Scholar
64 Valdez, op. cit. 11, 213, says, however, ‘I think the last visit of a white traveller to Kazembe was in 1853, when my companion and friend, Mr Freitas, who was one of the gentlemen forming the expedition, was fortunately enabled to begin the writing of an interesting work he is about to publish respecting African languages, or dialects’. I can find no further trace of this man or his work.Google Scholar
65 Livingstone, , Last Journals, 1, 294.Google Scholar
66 Gamitto, op. cit. xxv.Google Scholar
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