¹ Although untranslated, parts of the text have been used, in particular by Law, R. C. C. in his The Ọyọ Empire c. 1600–c. 1836. A West African Imperialism in the Era of the Atlantic Slave Trade (Oxford, 1977), 22, 32, 40–1, 49–52Google Scholar, as well as in two more recent-articles: ‘How truly traditional is our traditional history? The case of Samuel Johnson and the recording of Yoruba oral tradition’, History in Africa, xi (1984), 203, 210Google Scholar and ‘How many times can history repeat itself? Some problems in the traditional history of Ọyọ’, Int. J. Afr. Hist. Stds, xviii (1985), 34–5, 60.Google Scholar Law limits himself, however, to a discussion of the first three chapters of Adeyemi's work. Historiographically, Adeyẹmi is reviewed by Law, although not in depth: ‘Early Yoruba historiography’, History in Africa, iii (1976), 74 n. 59 and 60.Google Scholar

² Compare the preface in the translation below.

³ Ibadan Council Office, Akinyẹle Historical Papers, 1913.Google Scholar In 1955 Akinyẹle became Olubadan, the leading chief of Ibadan.

⁴ Ibid., material relating to 1913–15.

⁵ Ibid.

⁶ Unless otherwise indicated, this short biography is based on interviews with relations of the Rev. M. C. Adeyẹmi, and those who were associated with him when he was a school principal and clergyman in Ondo. Useful written sources include some of his private papers, the Ondo Anglican Church Centenary Celebration Pamphlet (Akure, 1975)Google Scholar, and Bada, S. O., Iwe Itan Ondo (Ondo, 1955).Google Scholar We wish to thank the Rev. S. Adeniji, Head of the History Department, Adeyẹmi College of Education, Ondo, for his assistance, and Messrs. Tunde Babawale and Akin Alao of the same institution for their hospitality.

⁷ On this missionary institution for the training of teachers and catechists, in 1920 renamed St. Andrews College, see Ogunkoya, T. O., St. Andrews College, Ọyọ: History of the Premier Institution in Nigeria (Ibadan, 1979).Google Scholar Adeyẹmi was admitted as a student in 1898 with no. 21; Ibid., 130.

⁸ Ibid., 31.

⁹ Ibid., 37–8.

¹⁰ Compare for instance Johnson, S., A History of the Yorubas from the earliest times to the beginning of the British protectorate (London, 1921)Google Scholar, which is also predominantly a history of Ọyọ and counts 684 pages, or I. B. Akinyẹle's Iwe Itan Ibadan which is also much more extensive.

¹¹ See the translation below.

¹² Ibid.

¹³ Apart from a 35-page book on early church history up to the time of the Roman Emperor Constantine, intended as a textbook for the Yoruba C.M.S. catechist's examination. Adẹyemi, M. C. and Latunde, S. V., Iwe Itan Ijọ Enia Ọlọrun lati Ipilẹṣẹ titi de Iku Constantine, A.D. 337 (n.p., 1914).Google Scholar

¹⁴ See also Law, , ‘How truly traditional is our traditional history?’, 203.Google Scholar

¹⁵ It moreover complements the fragmentary historical information received through reports, etc. of missionaries active in Ọyọ, Isẹyin and Ibadan from the 1850s onwards.

¹⁶ On Ọyọ hegemony see Atanda, J. A., The New Oyo Empire: Indirect Rule and Change in Western Nigeria, 1804–1034 (London, 1973)Google Scholar and Falọola, Toyin, Politics and Economy in Ibadan, 1893–1945 (Lagos, forthcoming).Google Scholar

¹⁷ Compare in this respect the discussion about Equiano's narrative on Igbo society in Afigbo, A., Ropes of Sand: Studies in Igbo History and Culture (Nsukka, 1981), 145–186.Google Scholar

¹⁸ J. O. Oni, A History of Ijeshaland (Ile-Ifẹ, n.d.).

¹⁹ On this theme, see, among others, Beier, Ulli, ‘The historical and psychological significance of Yoruba myths’, Odu, I (1955);Google ScholarLloyd, P.C., ‘Yoruba myths – a sociologist's interpretation’, Odu, 2 (1955);Google ScholarApter, A., ‘The historiography of Yoruba myths’, History in Africa, XIV (1987), 1–25.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁰ Law, R. C. C., ‘Traditional history’, in Biobaku, S. O. (ed.), Sources of Yoruba History (Oxford, 1973), 29.Google Scholar

²¹ The postcard shows three small photographs, which are hardly distinguishable on the photocopy at our disposal, but which are reminiscent of the series of photographs taken during Governor Sir G. T. Carter's expedition into the Yoruba hinterland in 1893. Originals of these pictures can be found in the collections of the Nigerian National Archives, Ibadan, and the library of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, London.

²² We find this with Johnson, who goes into considerable detail about all aspects of Yoruba history, but also with Akinyẹle, in his Iwe Itan Ibadan, Leigh, J. A., The History of Ondo (n.p., n.d. [1917])Google Scholar, George, J. O., Historical Notes on the Yoruba Country (Lahr, n.d. [1895])Google Scholar, and others.

²³ This is not to say that Adeyẹmi consciously propagated this view. Among the Nigerian authorities, Lieutenant-Governor Sir H. R. Palmer developed a semi-scientific theory for the Middle Eastern origins of West African civilizations; see Nigerian National Archives, Ibadan, CSO 26/1 File 02549, vol. i. J. O. Lucas is a late epigone of the Hamitic theory among the Yoruba elite. In his The Religion of the Yorubas (Lagos, 1948)Google Scholar, he presents an elaborate theory on the Egyptian origins of Yoruba religion. See also Aderibigbe, A. B., ‘Biobaku: the scholar and his works’, in Olusanya, G. O. (ed.), Studies in Yoruba History and Culture (Ibadan, 1983), 12.Google Scholar

²⁴ For details, see Falọla, Toyin, ‘Mecca is our home: Non-fundamentalist versus fundamentalist interpretations of Yoruba origins’ (Paper presented to the Yoruba History Society, Lagos, 02 1988).Google Scholar See also Law, , The Ọyọ Empire, 32–3Google Scholar; idem, ‘How truly traditional is our traditional history?’, 199–205.

²⁵ The Ile-Ifẹ origin of the Yoruba is discussed in, among others, Johnson, S., History of the Yorubas, 8–12;Google ScholarEgharevba, J. U., A Short History of Benin (Ibadan, 1960, third edition), 6–8Google Scholar; Smith, R. S., Kingdoms of the Yoruba (London, 1988, third edition), 13–28.Google Scholar

²⁶ On ethnic consciousness and the formation of political parties during this period see S. Oyelaran et al., Awolọwọ: The End of an Era (Ile-Ifẹ, 1988).

²⁷ Johnson, S., History of the Yorubas, 3–17, 143–5.Google Scholar

²⁸ See Temple, O., Notes on the Tribes, Provinces, Emirates and States of the Northern Provinces of Nigeria (London, 1922, second edition), 376.Google Scholar

²⁹ For instance Lijadu, E. M., ‘Fragments of Ẹgba national history‘, serialized in the Ẹgba Government Gazette, 1904–1905.Google Scholar

³⁰ Law, , The Ọyọ Empire, 32–3.Google Scholar For an amended view see Law, , ‘How truly traditional is our traditional history?, 199–205.Google Scholar

³¹ Johnson, History of the Yorubas, ch 3.Google Scholar

³² Smith, R. S., ‘The Alafin in exile: A study of the Igboho period in Ọyọ history’, J. Afr. Hist., VI (1965), 57–77CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Law, , The Ọyọ Empire, ch. 3Google Scholar; Law, R. C. C., ‘The Ọyọ kingdom and its northern neighbours’ Kano Studies, I (1973) (new series), 25–34.Google Scholar

³³ Law, , The Ọyọ Empire, 44.Google Scholar

³⁴ These issues are explored in detail in Falọla, ‘Mecca is our home’.

³⁵ Studies on the historical reconstruction of this period include, among others, Morton-Williams, P., ‘The Fulani penetration into Nupe and Yoruba in the nineteenth century’, in Lewis, I. M. (ed.), History and Social Anthropology (London, 1968), 1–24Google Scholar; Law, R. C. C., ‘The constitutional troubles of Ọyọ in the eighteenth century’, J. Afr. Hist., XII (1971), 25–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Akinjogbin, I. A., ‘The prelude to the Yoruba civil wars of the nineteenth century’, Odu, 1, 2 (1965), 24–46Google Scholar and his ‘The Ọyọ Empire in the eighteenth century: a reassessment’, J. Hist. Soc. Nigeria, iii (1966), 449–60.Google Scholar

³⁶ For three longer lists see Johnson, , History of the Yorubas, 155–96, 669–70Google Scholar and passim; Ojo, S., Iwe Itan Ọyọ, Ikoyi, ati Afijio (Saki, n.d. [c. 1961]Google Scholar) and Talbot, P. A., The Peoples of Southern Nigeria (London, 1926), Vol. 1., 282–96.Google Scholar

³⁷ Law, , The Ọyọ Empire, ch. 4Google Scholar and his ‘The chronology of the Yoruba wars of the early nineteenth century: a reconsideration’, J. Hist. Soc. Nigeria, v (1970), 211–22.Google Scholar See also Smith, R. S., ‘List of Alafin of Ọyọ’, The African Historian, 1, 3 (1965)Google Scholar and Law, , ’How truly traditional is our traditional history?’, 205–11.Google Scholar

³⁸ Law, , The Ọyọ Empire, 291–296.Google Scholar Studies on the fall of Ọyọ which cover the period summarily dismissed by Adeyẹmi include Atanda, J. A., ‘The fall of the Old Ọyọ empire: a reconsideration of the causes’, J. Hist. Soc. Nigeria, V (1971), 477–490Google Scholar; Ajayi, J. F. A., ‘The aftermath of the fall of Ọyọ’, in Ajayi, J. F. A. and Crowder, M. (eds.), History of West Africa (London, 1976, second edition), vol. 1, 136–145Google Scholar and Akinjogbin, I. A., ‘A chonology of Yoruba history, 1789–1840’, Odu, 11, 2 (1966), 81–86.Google Scholar

³⁹ The historical reconstruction of this period can be found in Babayẹẹmi, S. O., ‘The Fall and Rise of Ọyọ, c. 1760–c. 1905: A Study in the Traditional Culture of an African Polity’ (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Birmingham, 1980).Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Compare note 37, above.

⁴¹ Henige, D. P., The Chronology of Oral Tradition: Quest for a Chimera (Oxford, 1974), 27ff.Google Scholar

⁴² For an historical reconstruction see Ajayi, J. F. A. and Smith, R. S., Yoruba Warfare in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, 1964)Google Scholar and Toyin Falọla and Oguntomisin, Dare, The Military in Nineteenth Century Yoruba Politics (Ile-Ifẹ, 1984).Google Scholar

⁴³ See Atanda, , The New Ọyọ Empire, 56–77.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Cf. Johnson, , History of the Yorubas, ch. 4.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Cf. Johnson, , History of the Yorubas, ch. 3Google Scholar; Ellis, A. B., The Yoruba-Speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of Africa (London, 1894)Google Scholar; Frobenius, L., The Voice of Africa (London, 1913), 2Google Scholar vols., and Dennett, R. E., Nigerian Studies or the Religious and Political System of the Yoruba (London, 1910).Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Falọla, Toyin, ‘Brigandage and Piracy in Yorubaland during the Nineteenth Century’, J. Hist. Soc. Nigeria, forthcoming.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ See note 1, above.

⁴⁸ Law, ‘Traditional history’ and Falọla, Toyin, ‘Earliest Yoruba authors’, in Ogunbiyi, Yẹmi (ed.), Perspectives on Nigerian Literature: 1700 to the present (Lagos, 1988), 22–32.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ See J. A. Ayọrinde, ‘Oriki’ in Biobaku, , Sources of Yoruba History, 63–76Google Scholar; S. O. Babayẹmi, ‘Oriki Orilẹ as sources of historical material’, Paper presented at the International Workshop on Oral History and Oral Tradition, University of Lagos, 22–27 June 1987.

¹ This translation follows the original Yoruba text as closely as possible, with the effect that the English may lack some fluency in certain places. On the other hand, the flavour of the original text, which stems from a tradition of oral historiography, has been retained in this way. Adeyẹmi's original division in paragraphs has been followed in the translation, in order to allow easy comparison between translation and original. The original spelling of Yoruba names and titles and the spellings in quotations has also been retained. Diacritical marks have been inserted only where they also appear in the original text. Titles, nicknames, names of festivals, and expressions are printed in italics and all start with a capital. Where possible a translation of nicknames has been provided. Footnotes have been added for clarification and reference where necessary. The authors wish to thank Mr. Tunde Ajibade of the Ọbafẹmi Awolọwọ University, Ile-Ifẹ and Mr. Gbenga Fagbọrun of the University of York for their assistance with this translation.

² Oke Alafara is a neighbourhood in Ibadan where Akinyẹle's house was situated, or where Akinyẹle was living.

³ The Bariba or Borgu occupy the area known as Borgu, northwest of Ọyọ.

⁴ The author uses ‘ibuṣo kan’, generally translated as a mile, though the actual distance may have been longer or shorter than a mile.

⁵ The text is not clear on the point of the material that was used for the statues; this may have been either stone, clay or wood.

⁶ The author later names this location as Igboho, see below.

⁷ Identical to Igboho.

⁸ As the contents of this chapter will show, the term ‘children’ is used here to mean ‘successors’ to the throne. Law, , The Ọyọ Empire, 56–8Google Scholar has suggested that succession was by primogeniture until the early eighteenth century. This system was then revived in New Ọyọ under Atiba. See chapter five below. See also Johnson, , History of the Yorubas, 41–2.Google Scholar

⁹ Johnson, , History of the Yorubas, 669Google Scholar, mentions nine Alaafin that reigned before Ọmọloju.

¹⁰ Ajiboyede in Johnson's list. Johnson, , History of the Yorubas, 669.Google Scholar See also Law, , ‘How truly traditional is our traditional history?’, 210.Google Scholar

¹¹ According to Smith, R. S., ‘The Alafin in exile. A study of the Igboho period in Oyo history’, J. Afr. Hist., VI (1965) 70–1Google Scholar, Kògbàyè has been identified as a site some ten miles east of Igboho.

¹² The number (6) is in the original text. The author attempted to make a king-list, and he starts numbering at six, having provided five names so far. He stops numbering at 14 (Majotu), although he mentions other rulers who follow Majotu.

¹³ Named Abipa in Johnson. Law has suggested that the era of Ogbolu (Abipa), which he places in the early seventeenth century, was marked by the reoccupation of Ọyọ-Ile, made possible by the diminished pressure of both the Nupe and Bariba, which had before threatened the very existence of the Ọyọ kingdom, and the beginning of Ọyọ imperial expansion. Law, , The Ọyọ Empire, chs. 8 and 11.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Though Adeyẹmi does not mention the name of this place here, it is very clear from subsequent chapters that he means Ọyọ-Ile (Old Ọyọ), the final point of settlement in this account.

¹⁵ Adeyẹmi here gives one explanation for the fact that the eligibility to the Alafinate was not limited to one segment of the royal lineage. For another explanation see Johnson, , History of the Yorubas, 158.Google Scholar

¹⁶ The Ga mentioned here is identical to Johnson's Baṣọrun Gaha, recognized in literature as the dominant political figure in Ọyọ between approximately 1754 and 1774.

¹⁷ The name is spelled Ogbolu-Aje in the text, rather than Agbolu-Aje, and as the author is without doubt referring to the same person, the ‘O’ must be a printing error.

¹⁸ Also spelt and pronounced oriki, which means ‘praise-name’, cognomen, or appellation. The author interchanges both forms, which have the same meaning.

¹⁹ Johnson, , History of the Yorubas, 190–2, 669Google Scholar and passim, names this Alaafin as Awole alias Arogangan, and mentions as Àṣàmú alias Agbakolekan as Awole's Baṣọrun. It is clear, however, that both Johnson and Adeyemi refer to the same Alaafin here.

²⁰ What the author means by ‘superior’ is not clear from the text. Was Iwere (the town alluded to) militarily superior? Johnson, (History of the Yorubas, 191)Google Scholar says that the town was impregnable. Or superior in the use of charms, especially when prepared by Muslim teachers who were famous for their skills in this field in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries? Or in the seniority and age of certain people living in Iwere? Relations of Alaafin Abiodun were living in Iwere.

²¹ Iwere was in the Onko province of the Ọyọ kingdom. The choice of the place, purported to be invincible, has been interpreted as a scheme of Awolẹ to destroy the Arẹ Ọna Kakanfo Afọnja. Cf. Johnson, , History of the Yorubas, 191.Google Scholar On the town see Law, , ‘Iwere’, J. Hist. Soc. Nigeria, VI (1972), 239–41.Google Scholar

²² Adeyẹmi confuses the Ẹṣọ (commanders) with the Kakanfo (commander-in-chief). While there were many Ẹṣọ, there was only one Kakanfo. On Ẹṣọ and Kakanfo see also Johnson, , History of the Yorubas, 73–5.Google Scholar

²³ Aṣamu.

²⁴ Ilọrin was originally an Igbomina town under Ọyọ. It came under the control of a Fulani dynasty during the jihad of the early nineteenth century. In the reference, Il;ọrin was still under; Ọyọ with Afonja, the Kakanfo, as its ruler.

²⁵ Iwere.

²⁶ From Iwere.

²⁷ There were two of these Igba Ìwà or ‘sacred calabashes’, each containing a symbol which predicted what it would be that would characterize the era of a new Alaafin: either peace and prosperity, or wars and problems. An Ọba was required to choose one of the two covered calabashes during his coronation ceremony. See Johnson, , History of the Yorubas, 46–7.Google Scholar

²⁸ Another version of this curse can be found in Johnson, , History of the Yorubas, 192.Google Scholar

²⁹ Number 11 in the king-list. The number is inadvertently left out in the original text.

³⁰ Amado.

³¹ Majotu's nickname, meaning: ‘someone who is a master of intrigue’. Majotu is possibly to be identified with the Alaafin ‘Mansolah’ visited by Hugh Clapperton and Richard and John Lander. See Denham, D. and Clapperton, H., Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central Africa (London, 1826)Google Scholar; Lander, R., Records of Captain Clapperton's Last Expedition to Africa, 2 vols. (London, 1830);Google ScholarR., and Lander, J., Journal of an Expedition to Explore the Course and Termination of the Niger: with a Narrative of a Voyage down that River to its Termination, 2 vols. (London, 1832).Google Scholar

³² Johnson, , History of the Yorubas, 197Google Scholar, says that Baṣọrun Ojo Aburumaku acted as Regent during this interregnum.

³³ An Ekiti town.

³⁴ It is not clear why the roman figure (ii) is included in the text, as there is no section (i) preceding it. Perhaps a sub-section was deleted in the course of preparing the text for publication. The contents of chapter three, however, flow logically with those of chapter two.

³⁵ Yoruba pronunciation of Fulani.

³⁶ Consul or governor.

³⁷ The Fulani.

³⁸ A Yoruba idiom meaning that things have changed from good to bad.

³⁹ An idiom saying that the Fulani are not privileged to invite a person of the Alaafin's status.

⁴⁰ Jama, from the Arabic jamā'a, is used to mean either community of believers or followers. Here, the author uses it in the latter sense.

⁴¹ Yoruba for Nupe.

⁴² Against Ilọrin.

⁴³ This is a reference to one of the Bariba rulers, most of whom are called Eleduwẹ in Yoruba oral accounts. Compare Johnson, , History of the Yorubas, 166 and 260.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Eleduwẹ's Balogun, or military commander.

⁴⁵ That is, as Yoruba custom demands.

⁴⁶ In one interpretation, Islam prohibits its followers to prostrate for anybody but God.

⁴⁷ Oluewu.

⁴⁸ i.e. Oluewu's plan to deal with them after the war.

⁴⁹ Both the message and the gifts were symbols of peace and cooperation.

⁵⁰ The name for the new Ọyọ, founded after the collapse of the empire. The name means ‘from Agọ (hamlet?) to Ọyọ.’ Though it subsequently became known as Ọyọ, some primary sources, including this one, refer to Ọyọ-Ile (the old Ọyọ) and Agọ-d'Ọyọ (the new Ọyọ) so as to avoid confusion.

⁵¹ The author suggests that he is not sure of this date, the first he provides in the book.

⁵² Atiba.

⁵³ Oluewu.

⁵⁴ In effect, there is an inconsistency in the text here. Atiba in fact betrayed the Alaafin at Ilọrin and did not fight! See chapter three above.

⁵⁵ The Eleduwẹ war.

⁵⁶ This oriki will gain clarity in chapter five, where the author gives an account of the dispute between Gbenla and Ogunmọla of Ibadan over the title of Baṣọrun.

⁵⁷ Old Ọyọ. This town is no longer inhabited. Apart from the reference to the chieftaincy, it is not clear whether the account recorded by Adeyẹmi also wanted to express that others followed Lajide to New Ọyọ. On Old Ọyọ after the desertion see Willet, F., ‘Investigations at Old Ọyọ, 1956–1957: an interim report’, J. Hist. Soc. Nigeria, II, 1 (1960), 59–77Google Scholar; Smith, R. S. and Williams, D., ‘A reconnaissance visit to Ọyọ’, Odu III, 1 (1966), 56–60.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ i.e. from Ijaye.

⁵⁹ i.e. a stranger.

⁶⁰ The designation of brother to an Ọba is in reference to Atiba himself. In Yoruba, ‘aburo’, which is here translated as brother, does not always refer to children of the same parents. It could be used, as Adeyẹmi has done in this context, to describe the relationship between an elder and younger person.

⁶¹ Now both in Ogun State, Nigeria and in the People's Republic of Benin.

⁶² The head of the drummer.

⁶³ Atiba.

⁶⁴ Pay his respects.

⁶⁵ The nickname, Agunloye bi Oyibo, likens Adelu's style of sitting (on the throne) to that of the whiteman, suggesting that Adelu may have adopted a comportment his followers found to contain European aspects.

⁶⁶ Dawodu means first or eldest son, and is used in the sense of heir. The royal firstborn son, born after his father's succession to the throne, was called the Arẹmọo.

⁶⁷ Atiba.

⁶⁸ Adelu.

⁶⁹ Aṣipa Aiyelumo.

⁷⁰ i.e. Adelu's.

⁷¹ Gbenla.

⁷² That is, Gbenla.

⁷³ Beads.

⁷⁴ This is the first reference to this council, the function of which is explained in chapter eight.

⁷⁵ Alowolodu is a nickname, meaning a wealthy person.

⁷⁶ i.e. Papa.

⁷⁷ What is meant here is that these towns supplied contingents to the Ọyọ army, one of the obligations of provincial towns to the Alaafin.

⁷⁸ On Ọyọ town.

⁷⁹ The name of a market, a neighbourhood in Ọyọ, and a title.

⁸⁰ The author does not elaborate on the identity of this person, but the context implies that he is an agent of the Alaafin.

⁸¹ He is later named as Oyewusi.

⁸² In the time of Aṣipa Iyowu. See note 64.

⁸³ In 1914.

⁸⁴ An idiom meaning that both parties were of equal strength.

⁸⁵ Layode.

⁸⁶ Typographical error in the text: Osin should read Osi.

⁸⁷ The Alaafin.

⁸⁸ The Baṣọrun.

⁸⁹ The Yoruba way of giving emphasis.

⁹⁰ Adeyẹmi's.

⁹¹ The title of Babaiyaji, also written and pronounced Baba Iyaji, was an important junior title within the royal lineage. The current equivalent is Mogaji Iyaji. Cf. Law, , The Ọyọ Empire, 72, and for a general discussion of titles in Ọyọ, 71–6.Google Scholar

⁹² The author later adds that the fifth day was also the day of coronation; see below.

⁹³ The original text (p. 22) poses two problems here, both connected with the organization of the chapters. In the first place it is unclear why the author did not place Adeyẹmi's oriki here. Rather, he places it at the very end of the book, on pp. 30–2, where it has no obvious meaning. That is, unless the author wishes to express a special bond between himself and the Alaafin Adeyẹmi, who was his grandfather. Secondly, it is not clear why the author did not allocate a separate chapter to the Alaafin Lawani, as he did for his predecessors. This may either be a mistake on the side of the printer, or an intentional action, connected with the brevity of the account: it is the shortest since that of Alaafin Atiba.

⁹⁴ The identity and significance of this man are not explained anywhere in the text.

⁹⁵ District Officer or Resident.

⁹⁶ The chapters seven to ten are written in the present tense, whereas the previous chapters are written in the past tense.

⁹⁷ Semicolon in the original text.

⁹⁸ That is, the drums played for the Ọba's entertainment. See on the usage of drums also Johnson, , History of the Yorubas, 121.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Semicolon as in the original text.

¹⁰⁰ Royal mausoleum in the palace at Ọyọ. In the original text Bàrà is incorrectly spelt with a lower-case ‘b’. See Smith, R. S., ‘The Bàrà or Royal Mausoleum at New Ọyọ'’ J. Hist. Soc. Nigeria, III, 2 (1965), 415–20.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Refers to the name of the day.

¹⁰² This chapter does not carry a specific title. The author has bunched together three aspects of Ọyọ institutions, each under its own heading.

¹⁰³ Or: When the Alaafin appears in state. Johnson describes the state appearances of the Alaafin, but in a rather more detailed manner. See Johnson, , History of the Yorubas, 47–54.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ The confinement to the palace, except for these three occasions, was an aspect of the ritual restrictions connected with the office of the Alaafin.

¹⁰⁵ This was also the occasion at which tributes were paid. Cf. Johnson, , History of the Yorubas, 41 and 50–1.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Also called Ifa. Cf. Johnson, , History of the Yorubas, 48.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ This festival has been described by Babayẹmi, S. O., ‘Bẹrẹ festival in Ọyọ’, J. Hist. Soc. Nigeria, VII, 1 (1973), 121–4.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Or ‘chair of state’.

¹⁰⁹ A decorated veranda. Johnson, , History of the Yorubas, 51Google Scholar, describes the KÒbì as ‘facing the large quadrangle of the outer court. It is always kept closed, and never used for any other purpose but this.’ G. J. A. Oyo says that ‘it is a projection of the veranda into the courtyard at regular intervals, so designed to allow the Ọba to have more veranda space to himself and to bring him closer, under a covered roof, to people gathered in the courtyard.’ Ojo, G. J. A., Yoruba Palaces (London, 1966), 57–8Google Scholar and plate 4.

¹¹⁰ Although it was of course the Alaafin they were saluting.

¹¹¹ The specific meaning of Aṣelu does not become clear from the context. It may either mean administrators, politicians, chiefs, or governing body.

¹¹² The list tallies with Johnson, , History of the Yorubas, 70–2.Google Scholar Another title, the Ọna Mọdeke, is added as the eighth in some accounts, while it replaces the Aṣipa in others. See Atanda, J. A., The New Ọyọ Empire (London, 1973), 16 n.4Google Scholar, and Morton-Williams, P., ‘The Yoruba Kingdom of Ọọ’ in Forde, D. and Kaberry, P. M. (eds.), West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (London, 1967), 32–69.Google Scholar

¹¹³ Paragraph (c) is missing from the text.

¹¹⁴ i.e. the day of Ogun.

¹¹⁵ Ogun is the god of iron. For a treatise on the Yoruba pantheon see Idowu, E. B., Olọdùmarè: God in Yoruba Belief ([Ibadan], 1962).Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ Bean pudding.

¹¹⁷ Beans.

¹¹⁸ Pounded yam.

¹¹⁹ Ṣango is the god of thunder.

¹²⁰ In modern Yoruba Ọjọ Ọsẹ refers to Sunday.

¹²¹ This is not a separate day as such. Jimo is the name for Friday in use by Yoruba Muslims. It is now generally used, and the mention of it by Adeyẹmi may imply that the same was true in 1914.

¹²² A variety of cake made from corn.

¹²³ The name is derived from the plucking of the locust bean, a major savanna product, for which Ọyọ is famous.

¹²⁴ During Ìràwé-Gbígbá.

¹²⁵ That is, the god associated with the foundation of Ọyọ, rather than an actual historical or legendary person. Literally the name means ‘Great God’.

¹²⁶ Shortened form of Egúngún.

¹²⁷ This was to make a special prayer for the Alaafin.

¹²⁸ The cutting of grass for the repair of the Alaafin's palace, organized in the form of a festival. See also Johnson, , History of the Yorubas, 49.Google Scholar

¹²⁹ As explained in the following paragraph.

¹³⁰ Smallpox.

¹³¹ i.e. will die a pauper.

¹³² The goddess of the sea.

¹³³ Masqueraders.

¹³⁴ Abiku means ‘children that are born to die’. The Yoruba believe that high infant mortality can be explained in a religious way, through the concept of abiku.

¹³⁵ Small snails.

¹³⁶ Goddess of the river.