Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-j824f Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-17T18:20:33.813Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Housewives, Maids or Mothers: Some Contradictions of Domesticity for Christian Women in Johannesburg, 1903–39*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 January 2009

Deborah Gaitskell
Affiliation:
Royal African Society, London

Extract

Early twentieth-century missionaries in South Africa invariably subscribed to an ideology of domesticity for African Christian women. Being a housewife and mother was seen as a full-time spiritual vocation. In Johannesburg, for example, women's domestic role within marriage gave point to the whole range of female mission activity. Housewifery was not only taught at special mission schools, but also in women's hostels, a girls' youth movement and a delinquents' institution. These agencies and the African women's prayer unions also sought to combat premarital pregnancy in adolescent girls, because Christian marriage was regarded as the only proper context for motherhood. Maternity was central as well to female medical mission efforts. But the ideology of domesticity was in practice fraught with contradictions in the South African setting. First, housework training inevitably had an ambiguous status since it often aimed at supplying domestic servants to white households. Secondly, full-time motherhood was impossible for urban African women compelled to supplement their husbands' low earnings. White liberals therefore favoured higher African wages partly to free black women financially to fulfil their ‘natural’ child-rearing role. African women themselves have campaigned for domesticity against the authorities' policies of labour control. Bloemfontein in 1913 and Crossroads squatter camp in the late 1970s provide striking examples of such struggles. The Western feminist may see both the family and the role of housewife as oppressive. For the black South African woman, by contrast, the ideology of domesticity infusing these institutions may represent something positive denied her by the state.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1983

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Papers of American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, Harvard University (ABC): 15. 4, v. 39, no. 131, ‘The Place of Women in the Church on the Mission Field’. One of the very first ‘contradictions of domesticity’ that should be noted is that urban missionary wives themselves did not lead a purely domestic life, in two ways. Though not in paid employment, they were frequently out at meetings, like their husbands; they also employed domestic servants to help ‘keep the home’, a further ideological twist.

2 Alexander, S., ‘Women'swork in nineteenth-century London; a study of the years 1820–50’, in Mitchell, J. and Oakley, A. (eds.), The Rights and Wrongs of Women (Harmondsworth, 1976), 61.Google Scholar See also Hall, C., ‘The early formation of Victorian domestic ideology’, in Burman, S. (ed.), Fit Work for Women (London, 1979)Google Scholar; Cott, N. F., The Bonds of Womanhood. ‘Woman's Sphere’ in New England, 1780–1835 (New Haven, 1977), 46–7, 6270, 84Google Scholar; Davin, A., ‘The working-class family: co-operating to survive in early industrialisation’, paper for African History Seminar, Institute of Commonwealth Studies (I.C.S.), London, November 1980, 36Google Scholar; Malos, E., ‘Introduction’ (1718)Google Scholar, and Hall, C., ‘The history of the housewife’, in Malos, E. (ed.), The Politics of Housework (London, 1980).Google Scholar

3 Oakley, A., Housewife (Harmondsworth, 1976), 50.Google Scholar Malos and Davin (see n. 2) point out how both liberal reformers and working-class organizations saw that such a change was urgently needed to enable the working class to reproduce itself adequately.

4 1904 Cape Census (G. 19–1905), cxiv, cxv, quoted in Walker, C., The Women's Suffrage Movement in South Africa (Cape Town, 1979), 68, 61.Google Scholar

5 Maxeke, C., ‘Social conditions among Bantu women and girls’, in Students’ Christian Association of South Africa, Christian Students and Modern South Africa (Alice, 1930), 311.Google Scholar

6 Witwatersrand University Library (WUL), South African Institute of Race Relations Archive, AD 843, B 14.4, Makanya, S., A Record of the Bantu Youth League Work July 1930-July 1935 (n.p., n.d.) and Bantu Youth League: The Ideal Home (n.p., 1937?).Google Scholar

7 Oakley, , Housewife, p9.Google Scholar

8 Ibid. ch. 2.

9 Quoted in Alexander, , ‘Women's work’, 62.Google Scholar

10 Cock, J., Maids & Madams. A Study in the Politics of Exploitation (Johannesburg, 1980), ch. 8.Google Scholar

11 Ibid. 305.

12 Archive of the United Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (USPG), London: Women's Work (WW) Original Reports Africa, Dss. Julia 1908.

13 Mission Field (October 1910), 307–10.Google Scholar

14 Davin, A., ‘“Mind that you do as you are told”: reading books for Board School girls, 1870–1902’, Feminist Review, III (1979).Google Scholar

15 See Marks, P., ‘Femininity in the classroom: an account of changing attitudes’, in Mitchell, and Oakley, , Rights and Wrongs, 180.Google Scholar

16 USPG, WW Letters Africa, R. Oslar to Miss Harris, 2 Jan. 1911; A. Kent to Miss Harris, 4 Sept. 1910.

17 USPG, Committee for WW, A. M. Young to Miss Gurney, 5 Jan. 1914; Miss Phillimore to Miss Gurney, 31 March 1913.

18 Victor, O., A Large Room (London, 1925?), 17Google Scholar; Community of the Resurrection, After Twenty Years: 1922 Report of the Missionary Work of the Community of the Resurrection in the Southern Transvaal (Johannesburg, 1922), 21.Google Scholar

19 USPG, E. M. Brazier, 29 Dec. 1931. The Domestic Science School which opened at Kilnerton, Pretoria, in 1929, largely paid for by Methodist manyano women, underwent a similar metamorphosis and fusion with ‘book-learning’ – the practical skills simply became part of the teaching subjects the girls could offer.

20 Delamont, S., ‘The domestic ideology and women's education’, in Delamont, S. and Duffin, L. (eds.), The Nineteenth-Century Woman. Her Cultural and Physical World (London, 1978), 164.Google Scholar

21 On the heyday of the ‘houseboy’, see Van Onselen, C., Studies in the Social and Economic History of the Witwatersrand, 1886–1914. II. New Nineveh (London, 1982), ch. 2, ‘The witches of suburbia. Domestic service on the Witwatersrand, 1890–1914’.Google Scholar

22 Cory Library, Rhodes University, MS 14847, General Missionary Conference of South Africa: 4th, Cape Town, 1912. Commission VI – ‘The Black Peril’. Replies of G. Kakaza, G. Tyamzashe; State Archives, SAB NA v. 86, 338/1919/F 164, ‘Mrs Ellen Leeuw and 122 Native Women’ to Johannesburg Mayor and Council, 29 March 1910.Google Scholar

23 See Gaitskell, D., ‘“Christian compounds for girls”: church hostels for African women in Johannesburg, 1907–1970’, J. Southern African Studies, VI, i (October 1979).Google Scholar

24 ‘The Pathfinder Boy Scouts Association of the Union of South Africa’, South African Outlook (February 1937), 41Google Scholar; International Missionary Council Archives(IMC) (School of Oriental and African Studies, London), 1229Google Scholar, File ‘Wayfarers and Pathfinders’; Girl Wayfarers' Association, Handbook of Rules and Organisation. Revised November, 1926 (Lovedale, n.d.), I.Google Scholar

25 ABC: 15. 4, v. 41, A. Weir to Miss Emerson, 4 Jan. 1927.

26 Wayfarers, , Handbook, 12.Google Scholar

27 Lawrence, Clare, Interview, 31 Aug. 1977.Google Scholar

28 IMC 1229, ‘Wayfarers Association of South Africa. Report of Transvaal Council’ (1927).Google Scholar

29 See accounts in Transvaal Methodist (February 1935), 4Google Scholar and Blacking, J. B., Black Background. The Childhood of a South African Girl (New York, 1964), 101–7.Google Scholar

30 Umteteli wa Bantu, 6 Nov. 1937, 3 June 1939.Google Scholar Much the same approach was adopted with unmarried mothers and former prostitutes in late Victorial Britain.

31 Report of the Inter-Departmental Committee on the Social, Health and Economic Conditions of Urban Natives (Pretoria, 1942), par. 293.Google Scholar

32 Davin, , ‘The working-class family’, 7.Google Scholar

33 Mirfield in Africa (1944?).Google Scholar Note that this is an attempt by men to get other men to regularize their marriages. I have argued that the stress on motherhood was far more striking than exhortation to exemplary fatherhood. Nevertheless, for a comprehensive understanding of changing ideology and practice in relation to the African Christian family, we also need to explore the construction of male gender identity in this period.

34 The Watchman (February 1946), 6.Google Scholar The Mothers' Union's less strict predecessor, the Women's Help Society, apparently did allow unmarried mothers to join. Interview, Mguli, Mrs Nettie, 13 Feb. 1978.Google Scholar

35 USPG, WW Letters Africa, G. Sibley to Miss Harris, 2 Oct. 1911; SWM Journal (Society of Women Missionaries) (January 1933), 12.Google ScholarPop is the Afrikaans for ‘doll’.

36 Mission Field (October 1910), 306.Google Scholar

37 USPG, CWW, L. Stoker to Miss Saunders, 29 Sept. 1924.Google Scholar

38 Aitken, R. D., Who is My Neighbour? The Story of A Mission Hospital in South Africa (Lovedale, 1944), 53–4.Google Scholar

39 See Levine, D., Family Formation in an Age of Nascent Capitalism (New York, 1977), ch. 9, especially 137, 143.Google Scholar

40 For a fuller discussion of the changing social construction of illegitimacy and the extent to which concern about premarital pregnancy arose indigenously, see Gaitskell, D., ‘“Waiting for purity”: Prayer unions, African mothers and adolescent daughters, 1912–1940’, in Marks, S. and Rathbone, R. (eds.), Industrialisation and Social Change in South Africa…1870–1930 (London, 1982).Google Scholar

41 The jealously guarded female independence of manyanos – financial, organizational, spiritual – did not altogether tie in with marital submissiveness either. On manyanos, see further Gaitskell, D., ‘Female Mission Initiatives: Black and White Women in Three Witwatersrand Churches, 1903–1939’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1981), chs. 4, 5Google Scholar; Brandel-Syrier, M., Black Woman in Search of God (London, 1962).Google Scholar

42 The Realignment of Native Life on a Christian Basis, being the Report of the Proceedings of the Seventh General Missionary Conference (1928), 68–9Google Scholar; Lewis, C. and Edwards, G., Historical Records of the Church of the Province of South Africa (London, 1934), 648Google Scholar; The Watchman (June 1937)Google Scholar; Phillips, R., The Bantu in the City (Lovedale, 1938), 350.Google Scholar

43 Seventh General Missionary Conference, 68; Earthy, E. D., ‘Stillbirth and infantile mortality in South Africa from the social and economic point of view’, International Nursing Review, VI, iv (July 1931), 345–7, 354Google Scholar; Davin, A., ‘Imperialism and Motherhood’, History Workshop Journal, v (1978)Google Scholar; Lewis, J., The Politics of Motherhood. Child and Maternal Welfare in England, 1900–1939 (London, 1980).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

44 SWM Journal (June 1930), 6Google Scholar; ABC: 15.4, v. 45, Letter from Bridgman, Mrs, 6 April 1931Google Scholar; ABC: 15.4, v. 43, Annual Reports Bridgman Hospital 1929–1930, 1934.

45 Hellmann, E., Rooiyard: A Sociological Survey of an Urban Native Slum Yard (Cape Town, 1948), 61, 65Google Scholar; ABC: 15.4, v. 39, ‘Johannesburg Clinic Report. June 1, 1927-June 1, 1928’; ABC: 15.4, v. 43, ‘American Board Mission Clinics Johannesburg’ (1931).Google Scholar

46 ABC: 15.4, v. 43, Johannesburg Clinics Reports 1933, 1934; Ekutuleni Papers, ‘Thabong, Sophiatown. The first Day Nursery School for Africans’ ABC: 15.4, v. 44, Mrs Bridgman, Report, 1938.Google Scholar

47 Davin, , ‘The working-class family’, I.Google Scholar

48 Union of South Africa, Sixth Census…1936, IX, Tables 5 and 14.Google Scholar

49 For a much fuller discussion of female washing, brewing and domestic service, see my unpublished paper, ‘Laundry, Liquor and “Playing Ladish”: African Women in Johannesburg 1903–39’, South African Social History Workshop, University of London, Centre of International and Area Studies, June 1978.Google Scholar

50 See for example Johannesburg Joint Council of Europeans and Natives, The Native in Industry (1928?), 23.Google Scholar

51 City of Johannesburg Non-European and Native Affairs Department, A Study of African Income and Expenditure in 987 Families in Johannesburg (by Janisch, M.) (1941).Google Scholar

52 The Illicit Liquor Problem on the Witwatersrand. Report of Unofficial Commission appointed by the South African Temperance Alliance and the South African Institute of Race Relations. May 18th 1935, 41; WUL, AD 843, B 56(d), ‘Findings of the Bantu Juvenile Delinquency Conference’ and Ballinger, M., ‘Bantu Juvenile Delinquency Conference. The Rehabilitation of Bantu Home Life’, 8.Google Scholar See also Beinart, W., ‘The Family, Youth Organisation, Gangs and Politics in the Transkeian Area’ (paper for the conference at S.O.A.S. in 1981 on the history of the family in Africa),Google Scholar for the growing concern of urban anthropologists as well as rural magistrates and African ‘elders’ at juvenile delinquency and the breakdown of family authority; n. 17 to that paper briefly reviews some of the key academic studies by Rand missionaries and liberals of the 1930s.

53 Report of the Native Affairs Commission 1936, 6; ibid. 1939–1940, 37–38.

54 ‘A critical perspective on the domestic labour debate’, Women in South African History, I (January 1981), 1920.Google Scholar

55 See Kaluzynska, E., ‘Wiping the floor with theory – a survey of writings on housework’, Feminist Review, VI (1980), 45, 47,Google Scholar and Barrett, M., Women's Oppression Today. Problems in Marxist Feminist Analysis (London, 1980), 221.Google Scholar

56 Barrett, , Women's Oppression, 214.Google Scholar It should be noted, however, that some black women are increasingly disillusioned with men and marriage, while many African families have become (often involuntarily) matrifocal.

57 Wells, J., ‘Women's resistance to passes in Bloemfontein during the inter-war period’, Africa Perspective, XV (1980), 16, 31, 22, 24.Google Scholar She sees the women's victory as being partly due to the fact that the British-dominated parliament shared an ideology of domesticity.

58 Yawitch, J., Black Women in South Africa: Capitalism, Employment and Reproduction (Africa Perspective Dissertation, no. 2, Johannesburg, 1980), 75.Google Scholar

59 We will not move’: The Struggle for Crossroads (International University Exchange Fund, London, 1978), 14 (for employment figures), 34, 37, 90, 115.Google Scholar