Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-l7hp2 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-22T23:05:19.208Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Fishing and the Colonial Economy: the Case of Malawi

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 January 2009

John McCracken
Affiliation:
University of Stirling

Extract

Despite the evident importance of fishing in Malawi, its role in the territorial colonial economy has been largely ignored. This paper focuses on the evolution of fishing and fish-trading at the south end of Lake Nyasa (Lake Malawi), emphasising the interaction between ecological change and changes in market opportunity. During the late nineteenth century, fishing played an important role in the economy of the Mang'anja people alongside agricultural production. Communual tasks such as the setting of nets or building of canoes were conducted by male members of an mbumba or matrilineage group who traded fish with the agriculturally productive highland regions nearby in exchange for maize and beans. Little changed initially with the estalishment of colonial rule, though some labour previously employed in fishing may have been diverted into cotton-growing which the Government encouraged in the Upper Shire Valley. The establishment of military camps during the First World War, combined with the sudden drying up of Lake Chilwa, the major source of fish in the Shire Highlands, created the opportunity for enterprising fishermen to start a regular trade in dried fish to Blantyre and Zomba from about 1917. This was stimulated in the 1920s by the steady rise of water levels on the Shire River which brought cotton production virtually to a halt making fishing an attractive alternative.

The advent in the 1930s of non-African commercial fishermen who used lorries to transport fresh fish to Blantyre and dried fish to Salisbury did not prevent a further expansion of African fishing and fish-trading, many of the traders using bicycles to extend their sales into the southern Malawian hinterland. Officials tended to side with African fishermen when their interests clashed with those of incomers, notably the Greek Yiannakis brothers. But they had little success in introducing new techniques to improve productivity and fell back in the 1950s On the prohibition of exports to the Rhodesias, a policy aimed at ensuring a regular supply of fish to workers on European estates within Malawi.

By the 1950s, European companies were recorded as being responsible for over half the fish caught in Malawi. African fishing had been affected by the emergence of a small group of capitalist entrepreneurs, most of them former labour migrants, who had invested their savings in imported nets and boats and employed labour on a regular basis. Mang'anja fishermen now faced competition from Tonga migrants using new technical and organisational methods. In contrast to under-development sterotypes, the indigenous industry continued to expand, with migrant workers playing an important role in the development of fishing.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1987

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 This article was originally presented to the Colloquium on the Exploitation of Animals in Africa, held at the University of Aberdeen on 23–24 March 1987. I am grateful to my wife, Juliet Clough, for her assistance; her articles on Lake Malawi and on canoe-building in Malawi International, Focus on Malawi, etc. are not only more readable but also more accurate and informative than many academic papers.Google Scholar

2 See, for example, Palmer, Robin, ‘The Nyasaland tea industry in the era of international tea restrictions, 1933–1950’, J. Afr. Hist., XXVI (1985), 215–39;CrossRefGoogle ScholarMandala, Elias, ‘Peasant cotton agriculture, gender and inter-generational relationships: the lower Tchiri (Shire) valley of Malawi, 1906–1940’, African Studies Review, XXV, ii–iii (1982), 2744;CrossRefGoogle ScholarMcCracken, John, ‘Planters, peasants and the colonial state: the impact of the Native Tobacco Board in the Central Province of Malawi’, J. Southern African Studies, IX (1983), 172–92.CrossRefGoogle ScholarAspects of the fish trade in Northern Rhodesia are discussed in Brelsford, W. V., Fishermen of the Bangweulu Swamps (Livingstone, 1946),Google Scholar and Cunnison, Ian, The Luapula Peoples of Northern Rhodesia (Manchester, 1959), 616;Google Scholar see also Fearn, Hugh, An African Economy: A Study of the Economic Development of the Nyanza Province of Kenya, 1903–1953 (London, 1961), 214–20.Google Scholar

3 See, for example, Shepherd, C. J. (ed.), Investigation into Fish Productivity in a Shallow Freshwater Lagoon in Malawi 1975/1976, sponsored by the Ministry of Overseas Development (London, 1977?)Google Scholar

4 Kalk, Margaret, McLachlan, A. J., Howard-Williams, C. (ed.), Lake Chilwa: Studies of Change in a Tropical Ecosystem (The Hague, 1979);CrossRefGoogle ScholarKalk, Margaret (ed.), Decline and Recovery of a Lake (Zomba, 1970).Google Scholar

5 Kapeleta, Lonely, ‘The coming of the Tonga and the commercialisation of fishing in Monkey Bay area: a case study’, Sociology Seminar Paper, Chancellor College, University of Malawi, 1980;Google ScholarKafumba-Utonga, Charles Ralph, ‘Fishing on Likoma Island: change and development’, Chancellor College Seminar Paper, University of Malawi, 1981.Google Scholar

6 Nyasaland Protectorate Report of the Census for 1931, Malawi National Archives, Zomba (MNA), 51/1307/30.Google Scholar

7 Mandala, Elias Coutinho, ‘Capitalism, ecology and society: the lower Tchiri (Shire) valley of Malawi, 1860–1960’ (Ph.D., University of Minnesota, 1983);Google ScholarVaughan, Megan, ‘Social and economic change in Southern Malawi: a study of rural communities in the Shire Highlands and upper Shire valley from the mid-nineteenth century to 1915’ (Ph.D., University of London, 1981).Google Scholar

8 Mandala, ‘Capitalism, ecology and society’, 261.Google Scholar

9 See Bertram, C. K. Ricardo, Borley, H. J. and Trewavas, Ethelwynn, Report on the Fish and Fisheries of Lake Nyasa (London, 1942). I have also made use of an unpublished manuscript by Jenny Carter on the game-parks of Malawi.Google Scholar

10 David, and Livingstone, Charles, Narrative of an Expedition to the Zambesi and its Tributaries (London, 1865), 374.Google Scholar

11 Johnson, William Percival, Nyasa the Great Water (Oxford, 1922), 59.Google ScholarUseful late nineteenth-century accounts of fishing include: Livingstone, Narrative, 374–6;Google ScholarFoskett, Reginald (ed.), The Zambesi Journal of Letters of Dr John Kirk, II (Edinburgh, 1965), 369, 371;Google ScholarWailer, Horace (ed.), The Last Journals of David Livingszone, I (London, 1874), 91, 95–6;Google ScholarElton, J. F., Travels and Researches among the Lakes and Mountains of Eastern and Central Africa (London, 1879), 289, 293;Google ScholarFaulkner, Henry, Elephant Haunts (London, 1968), 124.Google ScholarFor more recent surveys see: Bertram, Ricardo, Borley and Trewavas, Report, 65–74:Google ScholarHoole, M. C., ‘Notes on fishing and allied industries as practised among the Tonga of the West Nyasa district’, Nyasaland J., VIII 25–38;Google ScholarKapeleta, ‘Coming of the Tonga’; Kafumba-Utonga, ‘Fishing on Likoma Island’.Google Scholar

12 The literature on the changing water levels of Lake Malawi is extensive. Among the most useful studies are: Crossley, Robert, ‘High levels of Lake Malawi’, University of Malawi Staff Seminar paper no. 2, 1980;Google ScholarPike, J. G. and Rimmington, G. T., Malawi: a Geographical Study (Oxford, 1965), 114–18;Google ScholarPike, J. C., ‘The movement of water in Lake Nyasa’, Nyasaland J, X (1957).Google Scholar

13 South Nyasa District Annual Report for 1931, MNA NSF 4/I/3.Google Scholar

14 Southern Province Annual Report for 1936, MNA NS 3/I/6;Google ScholarMandala, ‘Capitalism, ecology and society’, 190–91.Google Scholar

15 Duff, H. L., Nyasaland under the Foreign Office (London, 1903), III.Google Scholar

16 See N. Lancaster, ‘The changes in the Lake level’, in Kalk, McLachlan and Howard-Williams, Lake Chilwa, 43–4.Google Scholar

17 This account is drawn largely from Vaughan, ‘Social and economic change in Southern Malawi’, 40–60.Google Scholar See also Vaughan, Megan, ‘Food production and family labour in Southern Malawi: the Shire highlands and the upper Shire valley in the early colonial period’, J. Afr. Hist., XXIII, iii (1982), 352–7, and Zomba History Project texts, University of Malawi, Chancellor College Library, especially Nyanja, Yao and Lomwe Testimonies, collected by Megan Vaughan.Google Scholar

18 Livingstone, Narrative, 380.Google Scholar

19 Vaughan, ‘Social and economic change in Southern Malawi’, 219.Google Scholar

20 Bertram, Ricardo, Borley and Trewavas, Report, 80.Google Scholar

21 Vaughan, ‘Food production’, 361–64.Google Scholar

22 South Nyasa District Annual Report for 1931, MNA NSF 4/I/3.Google Scholar

23 Department of Agriculture, in letters to J. McClounie, Head of the Scientific Department, 1898–1901, MNA I/3/I;Google ScholarSeed, Charles, ‘Trout in Nyasaland’, Nyasaland J, II, ii (1949), 23–4.Google Scholar

24 As early as 1888 the Blantyre missionaries recorded that ‘caravans of fish from Lake Chilwa, bringing likewise crates of fowls, have supplied the children and the Europeans with food’.Google ScholarLife and Work in British Central Africa, Aug. 1888,Google Scholar quoted in Vaughan, ‘Social and economic change in Southern Malawi’, 210.Google Scholar

25 Life and Work in British Central Africa, July–December 1915, 6;Google ScholarZomba History Project, Gravelo Njala interviewed by Vaughan, Megan, 15 Sept. 1978.Google Scholar

26 This is particularly vividly documented in Life and Work in British Central Africa, January–March 1917, April–December 1917, June–March 1918, July 1918–June 1919.Google Scholar For the impact of the war on Fort Johnston, see Malambo, Cleo J. C., ‘Aspects of the socio-economic history of Mangochi township in the colonial period’, History Seminar Paper, Chancellor College, University of Malawi, 1984/1985.Google Scholar

27 Nichols, C. B. to Attorney-General, 6 January 1930, MNA SI/1437i/30.Google Scholar

28 Murray, S. S., A Handbook of Nyasaland (London 1922), 110;CrossRefGoogle ScholarPollock, Norman H., Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia: Corridor to the North, (Pittsburgh, 1971), 304.Google Scholar

29 South Nyasa District Annual Report for 1931, MNA NSF 4/I/3.Google Scholar

30 Nyasaland Protectorate Report of the Census for 1931, MNA SI/1307/30.Google Scholar

31 Minute by Wood, R. C., 26 April 1930, MNA SI/437i/30.Google Scholar

32 District Commissioner Fort Johnston to Provincial Commissioner Southern Province, i November, 1932, MNA SI/437i/30.Google Scholar

33 Nicholls, C. B. to Attorney-General, 6 January 1930;Google ScholarP. C. Southern Province to Johnston, D. C. Fort, 17 June 1930, MNA SI/437i/30.Google Scholar

34 Johnston, D.C. Fort to P.C. Southern Province, 16 March MNA SI/437i/30. SI/437i/30.Google Scholar

35 There is a brief introductory note on the origins of the Greek community in Malawi in Roy, D. Brian, The Malawi Collection (Blantyre, 1985).Google ScholarSee also Mangochi (Fort Johnston) District Book, vol. v, 1933–1937;Google ScholarDr Lamborn to Mr Tucker, 23 October 1935, MNA SI/1437i/30. By the 1940s the Luapula fish industry in Northern Rhodesia ‘was run mainly by a community of Greeks who themselves started life as fishermen on the island of Rhodes’ (Cunnison, Luapula Peoples, 9).Google Scholar

36 Lamborn to Tucker, as cited in n. 35. Bertram, Ricardo, Borley and Trewavas, Report, 76–77;Google ScholarSouth Nyasa District Annual Report for 1940;Google ScholarBarker, Cecil to P.C. Southern Province, 6 August 1936, MNA SI/1437i/30.Google Scholar

37 Mangochi (Fort Johnston) District Book, vol. vi, 1938–42, ‘Fishing Permits’,Google Scholar

38 Bertram, Ricardo, Borley and Trewavas, Report, 76–7.Google Scholar

39 Barker, Cecil, Johnston, D.C. Fort to P.C. Southern Province, 6 August 1936, MNA SI/1437i/30.Google Scholar

40 Southern Province Annual Report for 1939, MNA NS 3/I/8.Google Scholar

41 Ibid.

42 Ibid, and Southern Province Annual Report for 1933 MNA NS 3/I/3.

43 South Nyasa District Annual Report for 1938, MNA NSF 4/I/5. These figures should not be accepted uncritically. In 1933 the District Commissioner came up with figures of 2,480 fishermen and 674 fish curers in the South Nyasa District. (Annual Report for 1933, MNA NSF 4/I/4.)Google Scholar

44 See McCracken, John, ‘Peasants, planters and the colonial state: the case of Malawi, 1905–1940’, J. Eastern African Research and Development, XII (1982);Google ScholarPalmer, Robin, ‘White farmers in Malawi: before and after the Depression’, African Affairs, LXXXIV (1985), 211–45.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

45 Dr Cuthbert Christie, British Museum Nyasa Expedition, to Chief Secretary, Zomba, 10 November 1925, MNA SI/1470/25. See also P.C. Northern Province to Chief Secretary, 23 January, 1926, Ibid.

46 Minutes to Baraza held at Fort Johnston, 17 February 1933;Google ScholarD.C. Fort Johnston to P.C. Southern Province, 17 February 1933, MNA SI/437i/30.Google Scholar

47 Senior P.C. Zomba to D.C. Fort Johnston, 17 January 1930;Google ScholarD.C. Fort Johnston to Chief Secretary, 24 August 1938, MNA SI/437i/30.Google Scholar

48 Minutes 14 and 20 December 1932, Ibid.

49 Johnston, D.C. Fort to P.C. Southern Province, 12 May 1937,Google ScholarIbid; Mangochi (Fort Johnston) District Book Vol. VI.

50 South Nyasa District Annual Report for1944, MNA NSF 4/I/6.Google Scholar

51 South Nyasa District Annual Reports for 1943 and 1944.Google Scholar

52 Southern Province Annual Report for MNA NS 3/I/16.Google Scholar

53 Circular letter by Thomas, J. H., Secretary of State for the Colonies, 18 04 1936; Report on Nutritional Research in the Colonial Empire, (London, 1938), MNA SI/138/36.Google Scholar

54 B. S. Platt, ‘Report on a nutrition survey in Nyasaland’, duplicated [1940?], MNA Library Q. 267.Google Scholar

55 Quarterly reports on the work of the Nutrition Unit, to 30 September 1940; 31 December 1940; 30 June 1941; Memo on ‘Continuation of Fishery Work’ by H. B. H. Borley, MNA NCK 3/6/2.Google Scholar

56 An additional factor was the severe shortage of labour that hit Nyasaland tea estates in the 1940s and encouraged owners to make conditions more attractive. See Palmer, Robin, ‘Working conditions and worker responses on Nyasaland tea estates, 1930–1953’, J. Afr. Hist., XXVII (1986), 116–18.Google Scholar

57 ‘Precis for Executive Council. Fish supplies and export’, 9 December 1949, MNA 4–12- IOF/3631315930.Google Scholar

58 Minute by W.J.R.P., 17 February 1950, Ibid.

59 F. L. Brown to Hon. M. P. Barrow, 4 April 1950, Ibid.

60 Chief Secretary to Deputy Director of Agriculture, 15 May 1950, Ibid.

61 Borley, H. B. H., ‘Notes for working party on the development of the fishing industry’, 1961, MNA 4–6–8F/4858/37031. The inherent profitability of the export market is revealed in the fact that when the ban was lifted, sales to Salisbury totalled £56,435 in 1960, about 25 per cent of the European firms' catch.Google Scholar

62 ‘Report of the Commission of Inquiry into the Fishing Industry’, 1956, MNA COM 9/4/2;Google ScholarReport of an Economic Survey of Nyasaland, 1958–1959 (Salisbury, 1959), 255–64.Google Scholar

63 Evidence of Christos Yiannakis to the Commission of Inquiry, Blantyre, 17 July 1956, MNA COM 9/3/I.Google Scholar

64 Ibid.

65 Evidence of A. D. Sanson, Fisheries Officer, to the Commission of Inquiry, Fort Johnston, 8 June 1956, Ibid; ‘Report of the Commission of Inquiry’.

66 Ibid.

67 Evidence of Crispo Gwedala to the Commission of Enquiry, Fort Johnston, 8–9 June, 1956, Ibid.

68 Evidence of Amos Charles, Ibid.

69 Evidence of H. B. Chipembere, Ibid.

70 Kapeleta, ‘The coming of the Tonga and the commercialisation of fishing’. For related developments on Lake Chilwa see Pauline E. Phipps, ‘The “Big” fishermen of lake Chilwa: a preliminary survey of entrepreneurs in a rural economy’, in Page, M. E. (ed.), ‘Land and labor in rural Malawi’, Rural Africana, XXI (1973).Google Scholar

71 Evidence of Namango Nacuma to Commission of Inquiry, Blantyre, 17–19 July 1956, MNA COM 9/3/I.Google Scholar

72 Evidence of Laison Grant Nkhwafi and Jonas Joseph Kajawo, Zomba, 17 May 1956, Ibid.

73 Evidence of Sanson, Ibid.

74 Borley, ‘Notes for a working party’.Google Scholar

75 Vaughan, Megan, ‘The politics of food supply: colonial Malawi in the 1940s’, in Centre of African Studies, University of Edinburgh, Malawi: an Alternative Pattern of Development (Edinburgh, 1984), 70. Dr Vaughan questions the view expressed in this quotation.Google Scholar

76 Legassick, Martin, ‘Gold, agriculture and secondary industry in South Africa,1885–1970: from periphery to sub-metropole as a forced labour system’, in Palmer, Robin and Parsons, Neil (eds.), The Roots of Rural Poverty in Central and Southern Africa (London, 1977), 175.Google Scholar

77 Figures taken from Swanzie Agnew and Stubbs, Michael (eds.), Malawi in Maps (London, 1972), 142Google Scholar and from The National Atlas of Malawi (1985), 58.Google Scholar

78 See Ng'ong'ola, Clement, ‘Malawis agricultural economy and the evolution of legislations on the production and marketing of peasant economic cropsJ. Southern African Studies, XII (1980), 240–62.Google Scholar

79 Vaughan, ‘Social and economic change in Southern Malawi’, 56;Google ScholarMackenzie, D. R., The Spirit-Ridden Konde (London, 1925), 142.Google Scholar