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² See, for example, Ford, John, The Role of Trypanosomiases in African Ecology (Oxford, 1971)Google Scholar; Hartwig, G. W. and Patterson, K. D. (eds.), Disease in African History: an Introductory Survey and Case Studies (Durham, N.C., 1978)Google Scholar; Kjekshus, Helge, Ecology Control and Economic Development in East African History: the Case of Tanganyika 1850–1950 (London, 1977)Google Scholar; Iliffe, John, A Modern History of Tanganyika (Cambridge, 1979).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁵ See, for example, letters of Padre Baltasar and another unnamed missionary, 25 August 1578 and 15 December 1587, published in Brasio, António, Monumenta Missionária Africana– Africa Ocidental (first series, Lisbon, 1952, continuing) III, 171–2, 375.Google Scholar

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⁷ See, for example, da Silva Correia, Elias Alexandre, Historia de Angola, 1782 (Lisboa, 1937), i, iiiGoogle Scholar; for descriptions of the extent and quality of cultivation in the Luanda hinterland by the 1840s and 1850s, see Anais do Conselho Ultramarino, Parte Não Oficial, 2 volumes (Lisboa, 1867)Google Scholar, passim; Boletim Oficial do Governo da Província de Angola (BOGPA), passim; Livingstone, David, Missionary Travels and Researches in South Africa (London, 1857)Google Scholar; see also the many reports of colonial officials contained in the maços relating to Angola in the Arquivo Historico Ultramarino (AHU), Lisbon.

⁸ According to Father Antonio Barroso, an annual rainfall of 800 millimetres was the minimum necessary to ensure the success of native cultivation in the Congo district; see de Sousa Barroso, A. J., ‘O Congo, Seu Passado, Presente e Futuro’, in Brásio, António (ed.), D. António Barroso (Lisboa, 1961).Google Scholar

⁹ Brasio, , Monumenta Missionária, ii, 495–512Google Scholar; iii, 375; vii, 505. See also Miller, J. C. ‘The Atlantic Zone’ in Birmingham, D. and Martin, P. (eds.), History of Central Africa (forthcoming).Google Scholar

¹⁰ See Gervase Clarence-Smith, W. and Moorsom, Roger, ‘Underdevelopment and Class Formation in Ovamboland, 1845–1915’, Journal of African History, xx, ii (1979), 369Google Scholar; Clarence-Smith, W. G., Slaves, Peasants and Capitalists in southern Angola 1840–1926 (Cambridge, 1979), 75.Google Scholar

¹¹ See Mittelburger, Padre Carlos, ‘A Chuva e a fome entre os Cuanhamas’, Estudos Ultramarinos, vi (1956), 131–72.Google Scholar

¹² See Brasio, , Monumenta Missionária, 111, 256–9Google Scholar; Thornton, J., ‘Demography and History in the Kingdom of Kongo 1550–1750’, Journal of African History, xviii, iv (1977), 507–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hopkins, A. G., An Economic History of West Africa (London, 1973), 14–17.Google Scholar In Zambia, less than one-fifth of the total land surface can be cultivated according to indigenous methods: see Roberts, A. D., A History of Zambia (London, 1976), 11–12.Google Scholar

¹³ See Miller, , ‘The Atlantic Zone’; also Urquhart, A., Patterns of Settlement and Subsistence in South Western Angola (Washington, 1963)Google Scholar; Childs, Gladwyn Murray, Umbundu Kinship and Character (London, 1969), 1–8.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Brasio, , Monumenta Missionaria, 111, 375.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Personal communication of Henrique Abranches and Joao Manuel da Costa Feijao, Frankfurt, 15 July 1980.

¹⁶ J. C. Miller, ‘Drought, Famine and Crisis Strategies in Western Central Africa’, J. Afr. Hist., forthcoming.

¹⁷ (Footnote deleted.)

¹⁸ See Thornton, , ‘Demography and History’, 529, footnote.Google Scholar

¹⁹ See, for example, BOGPA, 693 (8 January 1859); AHU, Angola, Correspondência dos Governadores (CG), caixa 45, report of the chefe of Muxima, enclosed in letter 168 of the Governor General, 23 June 1875; BOGPA, 1889, 259 (22 06), 407.Google Scholar In the twentieth century, a plague of rats was reported in Catete following the drought of 1930–3: see A Provincia de Angola, 31 August 1933.

²⁰ See Angola, n, 5 (May 1934), where it is claimed that locusts normally came every three or four years.

²¹ Thornton, , ‘Demography and History’, 529Google Scholar, footnote. A plague of locusts also followed drought in the same area in 1793: see Correia, Silva, História, 11, 229.Google Scholar

²² Tarns, George, Visita ás Possessões Portuguezas na Costa Ocidental d'Africa, 2 volumes (Lisbon, 1850), 11, 28–30.Google Scholar

²³ See BOGPA, 643 (28 January 1858), 644 (30 January 1858), 651 (20 March 1858), 655 (17 April 1858); AHU, Angola, CG, caixa 38, letter 224 of the Governor General, 23 July 1868; BOGPA, 1872, 22 (1 June), 228–9; AHU, Angola, 2^a Repartição, 2^a Secção, pasta I, reports of the chefes of Barra do Dande and Icolo e Bengo, enclosed in letters of the Governor General, 134 (29 May 1873) and 212 (31 August 1873); AHU, Angola, CG, report of the chefe of Muxima enclosed in letter 168 of the Governor General, 23 June 1875, etc. Popular horror of floods in Angola is well expressed in the story ‘A Quianda’, of Ribas, Oscar, Quilanduquilo (Luanda, 1973), 85–94.Google Scholar

²⁴ BOGPA, 690 (18 December 1858).

²⁵ BOGPA, 660 (22 May 1858), 679 (2 October 1858).

²⁶ See, for example, BOGP A, 39 (29 09 1888)Google Scholar, report of high mortality among cattle due to rain failure, in the Novo Redondo district. See also Clarence-Smith, Slaves, Peasants and Capitalists, 58–9.

²⁷ See, for example, reports of Portuguese chefes in BOGPA, 1858, passim.

²⁸ Miller, J. C., ‘Cokwe Trade and Conquest’ in Birmingham, D. and Gray, R. (eds.), Pre-Colonial African Trade (London, 1970), 187Google Scholar; also Miller, ‘The Atlantic Zone’, forthcoming.

²⁹ BOGPA, 643 (23 01 1858)Google Scholar; 652 (27 March 1858). Ribeiro, Manuel Ferreira, Estudos Médico-Tropicais Durante os Trabalhos de Campo Para o Caminho de Ferro de Ambaca na Província de Angola, 1877–8 (Lisboa, 1886), 248.Google Scholar

³⁰ See Arquivo Histórico de Angola, Luanda (AHA), códice 2–4–18, relatórios of the chefe of Dondo, i September and 4 October 1857; AHU, Angola, CG, letter 233 of the Governor General, 22 June 1865; Monteiro, J.J., Angola and the River Congo (2 vols, 1875, reprinted, London, 1968), 1, 59, 68–9.Google Scholar

³¹ Alberto, de Souza Maia Leitão, Relatorio da Visita sanitária nos concelhos de l'este de Loanda mais victimados pela doença do somno (Porto, 1900), 53.Google Scholar

³² BOGPA, 655 (15 04 1858).Google Scholar

³³ See BOGPA, 659 (15 05 1858)Google Scholar, reports of the chefe of Zenza do Golungo.

³⁴ See, for example, Sarmento, A.. Os Sertões d'Africa (Lisboa, 1880)Google Scholar; BOGPA, 1886, 31 (31 07), 828–9Google Scholar; 39 (25 September), 997; 46 (13 November), 1197; 1888, 42 (20 October), 710. Further information on population dispersal from the lower Kwanza district during droughts is scattered through documents relating to the concelho of Cambambe in the AHA.

³⁵ See, for example, BOGPA, 659 (15 05 1858)Google Scholar, report of the chefe of Icolo e Bengo that Kisama chiefs were allowing inhabitants of that region to make plantations in their lands upon payment of 600 reis for any sized plot.

³⁶ Magyar, Ladislaus, Reisen in Süd-Afrika in den Jahren 1849 bis 1857 (Leipzig and Pest, 1839), 125–6, 159, 245, 279–80Google Scholar, references from Clarence-Smith, W. G.,‘Class Formation in the Central Highlands of Angola, 1840s to 1910s’ in Heimer, Franz-Wilhelm (ed.), The Formation of Angolan Society (forthcoming).Google Scholar

³⁷ Ibid.; Miller, J. C., ‘Slaves, Slavers and Social Change in Nineteenth Century Kasanje’, in Heimer, Franz-Wilhelm (ed.), Social Change in Angola (Munich, 1973)Google Scholar; de Lima, J.J. Lopes, Ensaios Sobre a Estatistica das Possessões Portuguezas… (1846), 111Google Scholar, 4-A, fig. i.

³⁸ It would be interesting to know how far the imperative of seasonal hunger influenced both the replacement of raiding by caravan trading and the later massive labour migration of the Ovimbundu: compare, for example, Nurse, G. T., ‘Seasonal Hunger among the Ngoni and Ntumba of Central Malawi’, Africa, xlv, i (1975), 7.Google Scholar

³⁹ BOGPA, 657 (11 05 1858)Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ BOGPA, 656 (24 04 1858)Google Scholar.

⁴¹ AHU, Angola, CG, caixa 23, letter 788 of the Governor General, 16 August 1857.

⁴² See, for example BOGPA, 660 (22 05 1858), 663 (12 06 1858)Google Scholar; AHU, Angola, CG, caixa 38, letter 165 of the Governor General, 21 June 1868.

⁴³ Hospital deaths represented only a fraction of the real numbers dying from these and other diseases. They are however useful in showing the general trend. In 1865–6, years

Sources: BOGPA, 1866, 439, 1881, 438–9; AHA, avulsos, 23–2–2.

⁴⁴ The term carneirada literally refers to malarial fever: see Novo Michaelis (7th edition, 1970), iiGoogle Scholar. For an account of the carneirada in Luanda see Correia, Silva, História, 1, 80Google Scholar; Ribeiro, Ferreira, Estudos, 63.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Ribeiro, Ferreira, Estudos, 35 and 79.Google Scholar A total of 3,95s people received treatment at Luanda's military hospital during 1865–6. The most frequent diseases were the following: malarial fevers, 1298; dysentery, diarrhoea etc., 351; respiratory diseases, 252; syphilis, 342. Source: BOGPA, 1866, 439.

⁴⁶ Epidemics of measles affecting Luanda and inland populations were reported in 1871 and 1889: BOGPA, 1871, 3 (21 01), 26–7Google Scholar; 1889, 44 (2 November), 671; Correia, Silva, ‘O Clima’ 461.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ A serious influenza epidemic was reported in Luanda in 1864–5 and again in 1876–7: see BOGPA, 3 (14 01)Google Scholar, Correia, Silva, ‘O Clima’, 461Google Scholar. The worldwide epidemic of influenza of 1918–20 also spread rapidly throughout Angola: see, for example, BOGPA, 1919, Appenso; Cuanza-Norte, 30 01 1919Google Scholar; Correia, Silva, ‘O Clima’, 463–4.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ If outbreaks of bubonic plague had occurred in the nineteenth century, they attracted no official attention before the early 1900s. Fears of an epidemic in 1905 were not realized until 1921: see Correia, Silva, ‘O Clima’, 440–53Google Scholar; Mora, A. Damas, ‘A Peste en Angola’, Revista Medica de Angola, iii, iv (08 1923), 317–29Google Scholar. See also. A Província de Angola, 23 05 1932Google Scholar, et passim.

⁴⁹ See, for example, the letter of Dr Januário Viana de Resende, Physico Mor, published in BOGPA, iii (11 05 1850).Google Scholar

⁵⁰ See Cabral, Faustino Jose, Relatórios sôbre a Epidemia de Febre Amarela em Luanda, 1860 (Lisboa, 1861)Google Scholar; Correia, Silva, ‘O Clima’, 379–482Google Scholar; Idem, ‘O Problema da febre amarela em Angola e os seus climas marítimos’, Revista Médica de Angola, iii, iv (August 1923), 247–308.

⁵¹ One of the earliest references to smallpox is the epidemic of 1627, which coincided with a period of drought and seems to have been provoked initially by Portuguese troop movements during campaigns against Queen Nzinga in the late 1620s. ‘ Many thousands’ of Africans died in this epidemic according to one report: see Brasio, , Monumenta Missionaria, vii, 494Google Scholar: de Oliveira de Cadornega, António, Historia Geral das Guerras Angolanas 1680 (reprinted Lisbon, 1972), I, 140.Google Scholar Another smallpox epidemic is referred to in 1670: see Wheeler, D. L., ‘A Note on smallpox in Angola’, Studia, nos. 13 and 14 (Janeiro-Julho 1964), 353.Google Scholar An epidemic of smallpox was similarly spread throughout Kongo by a Portuguese expeditionary force in 1793: Correia, Silva, Historia, ii, 193–228.Google Scholar

⁵² See the article by António Augusto Dias based on documents in Benguela's municipal archive, published in A Provincia de Angola, 26 01 1933.Google Scholar

⁵³ Correia, Silva, Historia, 11, 80Google Scholar; Arquivos de Angola, 2^a serie, xx, nos. 79–82 (01–12 1963), 80Google Scholar, letter of Dom Miguel António de Melo, 12 March 1799.

⁵⁴ AHU, Angola, CG, caixa i, letter of the Governor General, ii June 1836. Daun himself died of fevers while visiting Pungo Andongo two months after writing this letter.

⁵⁵ (Footnote deleted.)

⁵⁶ See, for example, Braudel, Fernand, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II (London, 1975), iGoogle Scholar, especially pp. 328–34; also, Labrousse, G. E., Esquisse du mouvement des prix et des revenues en France au XVIII^e siecle (2 volumes, 1933).Google Scholar

⁵⁷ On this, see particularly Klein, M., ‘Slavery, the Slave Trade and Legitimate Commerce in Late Nineteenth Century Africa’, Etudes d'Histoire Africaine, ii (1971), 5–28Google Scholar; also Dias, Jill R., ‘Changing Patterns of Power in the Luanda Hinterland: The Impact of Trade and Colonisation on the Mbundu c. 1845–1920’ in Heimer, Franz-Wilhelm (ed.), The Formation of Angolan Society (forthcoming).Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Monteiro, , Angola and the River Congo, i, 59, 68–9.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ A beirame was a standard length of very fine cloth.

⁶⁰ According to the explorer and botanist Frederick Welwitsch the minimum price of a slave around 1859 was 25 milreis: see A Cultura do Algodao (Anonomous, Lisboa, 1962)Google Scholar, appendix.

⁶¹ See AHU, Angola, CG, pasta 23, copy of report of the Governor of Golungo Alto district, i October 1857; see also AHA, códice 2–4–18, reports of the chefe of Dondo, i September and 4 October 1857.

⁶² AHU, Angola, CG, pasta 23, report of the Governor of Golungo Alto, i October 1857; BOGPA, 662 (5 06 1858)Google Scholar; 666 (3 July 1858). According to Monteiro, Angola and the River Congo, 1, 68–9, the Kisama deeply resented the advantage taken of their plight by Ambakista traders.

⁶³ Miller, , ‘Slaves, Slavers and Social Change’, 24–5.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Ibid.; Miller, , ‘Cokwe Trade and Conquest’, 187Google Scholar; ‘The Atlantic Zone’; Sarmento, , Os Sertões d'Africa, 160–1Google Scholar; Fonesca, Luis Simplício, ‘Districto dos Dembos’, Anais do Conselho Ultramarino, ii, 86–9Google Scholar; Clarence-Smith, ‘Class Formation in the Central Highlands of Angola, 1840s to 1910s’, forthcoming.

⁶⁵ For the evolution of Dondo in the 1850s, see particularly AHA, avulsos, Cambambe and codice 2–4–18.

⁶⁶ Luanda's population was calculated at c. 5, 605 in the early 1840s, based on census returns of the previous half century: de Lima, Lopes, Ensaios, ii, 4–AGoogle Scholar, fig. i. A census taken in 1850 put the population at 12, 565: BOGPA, 303 (9 07 1850)Google Scholar. The 1861 census records a population of 13,412: BOGPA, 1862. The Brazilian doctor Saturnino Sousa e Oliveira believed it was nearer 18,000 in 1864, including 16,690 fixed townspeople and a floating population of around 1,500: Sousae Oliveira, Saturnino, Relatório Histórico da Epidemia de Varíola que grassou em Luanda em 1864 (Lisboa, 1866), 235.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ See, for example, Livingstone, , Missionary Travels, 379–80Google Scholar; Clarence-Smith, and Moorsom, , ‘Underdevelopment and Class Formation’, 373.Google Scholar

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⁷⁰ AHA, codice G(5)3–33, relatorio of the Governor General, 1867.

⁷¹ Miller, J. C., ‘Commercial Organization of Slaving at Luanda, Angola, 1760–1830’ in Henry Gemery, A. and Hogendorn, Jan S. (eds.), The Uncommon Market (New York, 1979), 96.Google Scholar

⁷² See BOGPA, passim.

⁷³ Tarns, , Visita, i, 203Google Scholar; BOGPA, passim.

⁷⁴ Clarence-Smith, ‘Class Formation in the Central Highlands’, forthcoming; Tarns, Visita, 1, 105; BOGPA, passim.

⁷⁵ Oliveira, Sousae, Relatorio, 183Google Scholar; BOGPA, 1865, iv (21 01), 20Google Scholar; v (28 January). South of the Kwanza, smallpox was called ‘ Ochingongo’ or ‘ Oxingongo’: see da Silva Maia, F. António, Lições de Gramática de Quimbundo (1964)Google Scholar; Le Guenec, Gregoire and Valente, José Francisco, Dicion´rio Português-Umbundu (Luanda, 1972).Google Scholar

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⁷⁷ BOGPA, 1864, xxxv (27 08), 294Google Scholar; 1865, iv (21 January), 20; v (28 January). Similar treatment was applied in other parts of West Africa: see, for example, Kingsley, Mary, West African Studies, 1899 (reprinted 1964), 158.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ See Herbert, Eugenia W., ‘Smallpox Inoculation in Africa’, Journal of African History, xvi, iv (1975), 539–59.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷⁹ Inoculation, or variolation, refers to the process of transferring smallpox from an infected person to uninfected persons, who thereby contract it mildly and become immune from the disease. Vaccination, through infection with cowpox, was not adopted in Angola before the twentieth century.

⁸⁰ Manuel dos Anjos da Silva Rebelo, Relações entre Angola e Brasil 1808–1830 (Lisboa, 1968), 29–30Google Scholar; J. C. Feo Cardoso de Castello Branco e Torres, Memórias (Paris, 1825), 365.Google Scholar

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⁸³ Oliveira, Sousae, Relatório, 163.Google Scholar

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⁸⁷ BOGPA, 1864, 32 (6 08), 268Google Scholar; 50 (10 December), 470; 1865, 4 (21 January), 20; 5 (28 January). The population of the towns and districts for which these statistics of mortality were produced totalled 85,601 in the 1861 census: BOGPA, 1861.

⁸⁸ Both sets of figures are undoubtedly far from accurate, though they may be useful in indicating the rough proportion of people who died. Oliveira, Sousae, Relatório, 236Google Scholar, believed that all the figures supplied by colonial officials of inland districts were suspect. The general opinion, which he believed to be near the truth on the basis of information he received, was that mortality caused by this epidemic throughout Angola exceeded 25,000. A more recent opinion computes the real total to have been nearer 70,000 cases, with approximately 40,000 deaths: Correia, Silva, ‘A Varióla’, 3,5.Google Scholar For further details of the 1864 epidemic see de Oliveira, João Baptista, ‘Relatório sôbre a Epidemia de Bexigas que grassou em Luanda nos mezes de Maço a Outubro de 1864’, in Oliveira, Sousae, Relatorio, 243–81Google Scholar; also, de Oliveira, Mario Antonio Fernandes, ‘Um Brasileiro Cooperante (“Avant la lettre”) em Angola’, Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, Serie 97, nos. 1–3, 4–6, (01.–Marco, 04–Junho 1979).Google Scholar

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⁹⁰ Oliveira, Sousae, Relatorio, 163.Google Scholar

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⁹⁵ AHU, Angola, 2^a Repartição 2^a Secção, pasta i, letter of the king of Kongo, 8 June 1873, enclosed in letter 173 of the Governor General, i July 1873.

⁹⁶ BOGPA, 1876, 12 (18 03), 156–8.Google Scholar

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⁹⁸ AHU, Angola, CG, pasta 33, letter 176 of the Governor General, 26 July 1864.

⁹⁹ AHU, Angola, CG, 2^a Repartição 2^a Secção, pasta i, report of the chefe of Massangano, enclosed in letter 157 of the Governor General, i June 1973.

¹⁰⁰ BOGPA, 1865, 5 (28 01).Google Scholar Similar strategies were observed in West Africa in the 1890s: see Kingsley, , West African Studies, 158–9.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Jornal do Comercio, 4 September 1864 and 2 October 1864.

¹⁰² AHU, Angola, 2^a Repartição 2^a Secção, report of chefe of Malange in letter 220 of the Governor General 23 July 1873; BOGPA, 35 (27 08), 293.Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁶ AHU, i^a Reparticao 2^a Secção, Angola, pasta 4, letter of the commissão municipal of the concelho of Bumbo to the Governor General, 14 March 1884; and letter no. 130 of the Secretary General, 17 March 1885, enclosing a report of the missionary Joaquim de Jesus de Annunciação Folga of his journey to the Ganguelas. Both are published in de Oliveira, M. A. Fernandes and de Couto, C. A. Mendes (eds.) Angolana, ii (1883–1837) (Lisbon, 1971), 554 and 556.Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁰ de Sousa, Rodolpho de Santa Brigida, ‘Subsídios para a historia da colonização do distrito de Mossamedes durante o seculo XIX”, Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, 7 (6), 396–414.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ Birmingham, D., ‘The Coffee Barons of Cazengo’, Journal of African History, xix, iv, (1978), 523–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dias, ‘Changing Patterns of Power’.

¹¹¹ The social and political implications of losses of land and cattle within African societies in southern Angola is analysed by Gervase Clarence-Smith in ‘Underdevelopment and Class Formation’, Slaves, Peasants and Capitalists and ‘Capitalist Penetration among the Nyaneka’.

¹¹² Correia, Silva, ‘O Clima’, 414.Google Scholar

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¹¹⁶ AHU, Angola, 2^a Repartição 2^a Secção, pasta i, relatório of the chefe of Golungo Alto, enclosed in letter 204 of the Governor General, 24 July 1873; BOGPA, 1876, 12 (18 Rene Pelissier, Les Guerres Grises, Resistances et revokes en Angola (1845–1941) (Orgeval, 1977), 188.Google Scholar

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¹²⁰ BOGPA, 1882, 20 (20 05), 344.Google Scholar

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¹²³ AHU, Angola, 2^a Repartição 2^a Secccedil;ão, pasta i, report of the chefe of Malange, enclosed in letter of the Governor General, 1873.

¹²⁴ British Foreign Office, Annual Series, Diplomatic and Consular reports on Trade and Finance, nos. 1105, 1065, 1333.

¹²⁵ Barroso, , ‘O Congo’ 109Google Scholar; de Serpa Pimentel, Jaime Forjaz, ‘Clima do Congo: Ligeiros Dados sôbre as Condiccedil;ões Meteorológicas do Districto do Congo e Duas Palavras acerca de seu clima”, Revista Portugueza Colonial e Marítima, 1°; ano, 2° semestre (Lisboa, 1897–1898), 665–72.Google Scholar

¹²⁶ BOGPA, 1889, 25 (22 06), 404Google Scholar; 37 (14 September), 570.

¹²⁷ Barroso, , ‘O Congo’, 113.Google Scholar

¹²⁸ Childs, , Umbundu Kinship and Character, 209–10.Google Scholar

¹²⁹ AHU, Angola, 2^a Reparticao 2^a Secção, Curadoria Geral, no. 4, Alfredo Trony to the Minister of the Navy and Overseas Affairs, 26 October 1877.

¹³⁰ This assessment relates to the following concelhos: Muxima, Massangano, Cam-bambe, Pungo Andongo, Icolo e Bengo, Barra do Bengo, Barra do Dande, Alto Dande, Golungo Alto, Nzenza do Golungo, Calumbo and Dembos. The population of these districts was calculated at between 200,000 and 300,000 in censuses taken from the 1820s onwards. In 1876 the population was said to total around 228,435. In 1898 it was down to 115,172: compare Ferreira Ribeiro, Estudos, 254 and Annuário Estatístico, 1898,3. While far from accurate, these figures reflect an obvious and dramatic trend. In 1928, the population of the district of Cuanza-Norte was put at 140,527: see Ornelas, Augusto and de Mesquita, Bruno, Relatório da Missão Médica de Assistência aos Indígenas do Cuanza (1929), 15.Google Scholar See also de Sousa, Jacinto, Relatório da Missão Médica Volante de Assistência aos Indigenas do Dande (Lisboa, 1928).Google Scholar

¹³¹ See, for example, da Silva, Avelino Manuel, Serviço de Assistencia aos Indigenas no Distrito do Congo, 1930 (Lisboa, 1930).Google Scholar

¹³² See, for example, Leitao, Maia, Relatorio, 127–8.Google Scholar

¹³³ Elderly inhabitants of Golungo Alto questioned in 1900 agreed that sleeping sickness was first noticed in the area around 1873. However, doctors also learned that the disease was not unknown previously, knowledge of it having been handed down through the generations: see Leitão, Maia, Relatorio, 15, 44–5 and 98–9.Google Scholar

¹³⁴ BOCPA, 1870, 52 (24 12), 723Google Scholar; 1871, 27 (8 July), 335.

¹³⁵ AHU, Angola, 2^a Repartição 2^a Secção, reports of the chefes of Barra do Bengo, Nzenza do Golungo and Massangano, enclosed in pasta 45, letter 94 of the Governor General, 30 July 1875; pasta 46, letter 26, 22 January 1876; and pasta 47, letter 386, 25 October 1877.

¹³⁶ AHU, Angola, i^a Repartição 2^a Secção, pasta 5, ‘Relatório da Viagem ao Bembe do Cônego António José de Sousa Barroso’, published in Angolana, ii, 447. Many of the slaves imported into Martinique from the Congo region in 1869 were infected with sleeping sickness: see Lambrecht, Frank L., ‘Aspects of the Evolution and Ecology of Tsetse flies and Trypanosomiasis’, Journal of African History v, i (1964), 19.Google Scholar

¹³⁷ Lambrecht, , ‘Tsetse flies and Trypanosomiasis’, 5–9.Google Scholar

¹³⁸ Mora, A. Damas, A Luta contra a Moléstia do Sono em Angola (Luanda, 1934), 223.Google Scholar Similar conditions existed in Uige.

¹³⁹ Compare AHU, Angola, CG, statistical chart of population, 20 February 1878 and Annu´rio Estatístico, 1898, 3.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁰ Dias, ‘Changing Patterns of Power’, forthcoming; the number of labourers on the Cazengo plantations was apparently reduced to around 4,000 by 1895: see Birmingham, , ‘The Coffee Barons of Cazengo’, 529.Google Scholar During 1914, a total of around 13,000 labourers were employed in the same district, roughly 5,000 of whom were day labourers: Diniz, F., Negócios Indigenas (Lisboa, 1913–1918), 11 (1914), 73.Google Scholar

¹⁴¹ Mora, Damas, A Luta, i.Google Scholar

¹⁴² Ibid. 4. Silva, , Serviço de Assistência aos Indígenas no Congo, 10–11Google Scholar; Sarmento, Alexandre, ‘História breve de uma grande obra: O Combate à Doença do Sono em Angola’, Boletim Clinico e Estatistico (Hospital do Ultramar), ii serie, ano vii, no. 3 (1953), 25.Google Scholar

¹⁴³ The exception was Maia Leitão, Relatório. But see Annibel Bettencourt, Ayres Kopke, José de Rezende junior, Gomes and Mendes, Anníbel Correia, Doençdo somno. Trabalhos executados até 6 de Agosto de 1902 pela missão enviada a Angola pelo Exmo. Ministro da Marinha (Lisboa, 1902).Google Scholar See also Damas Mora, A Luta; Sarmento, O Combate a Doença do Sono, etc.

¹⁴⁴ Leitao, Maia, Relatorio, especially 127–8.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁵ See Sarmento, particularly, O Combate á Doença do Sono, 26Google Scholar, quoting from the report of Dondo's medical officer, Dr Annunciação Velho in 1911. See also Mattenklodt, , ‘Die Kisama’, in Koloniale Völkerkunde, i (Jahrgang, 6, 1944), 75.Google Scholar I am grateful for this last reference to Dr Beatrix Heintze. See also BOGPA, 1903, 13 (28 03), 192.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁶ BOGPA, 1899 (12 03)Google Scholar; by contrast, in Luanda, only one death was listed from sleeping sickness out of a total of 60 recorded during the same month.

¹⁴⁷ AHA, avulsos, maço 16–9–4, commandant of Nhangue Apepe to the chefe of Cambambe, 15 April 1899.

¹⁴⁸ See BOGPA, 1903, 30 (25 07), 447, 40 (3 10), 600Google Scholar; 190, 14 (2 April), 229; 27 (2 July), 478–9, etc. The psychological impact of sleeping sickness in Dondo around the turn of the century is skilfully evoked in the novel by de Assis Junior, Antonio, O Segredo da Morta, 1935 (reprinted, Lisboa, 1978).Google Scholar

¹⁴⁹ Portugal em Africa, 10 (1903), 347.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁰ See Damas Mora, A Luta; Sarmento, O Combate á doença do Sono. For legislation, see BOGPA, 1911, 33 (19 08Google Scholar) et passim; also BOGPA, 32, i° Serie, 2 08 1926.Google Scholar

¹⁵¹ See Ribeiro, Ferreira, Estudos, 194Google Scholar, footnote. The most acute form of the disease was referred to as palustre perniciosa at this date (pernicious malaria). Of 29 known cases in Luanda in 1871, 21 ended in death. Altogether there were i,130 cases of malarial fevers recorded in this year in Luanda hospital, with a total of 31 deaths: see Correia, Silva,.‘O Clima’, 413.Google Scholar

¹⁵² Correia, Silva, ‘O Clima’, 416Google Scholar; see also BOGPA, 1904, 27 (2 07), 478–9Google Scholar: malaria was said to be ‘raging’ in Dondo in this year.

¹⁵³ Ribeiro, Ferreira, Estudos, 38Google Scholar. By 1929, between 50 and 100 per cent of workers on European plantations in the Kwanza district were migrants from other districts: see Ornelas, and Mesquita, , Relatorio, 13.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁴ See Curtin, , Feierman, , Thompson, and Vansina, , African History, 553.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁵ See Clarence-Smith, and Moorsom, , ‘Underdevelopment and Class Formation’, 375Google Scholar; Clarence-Smith, , Slaves, Peasants and Capitalists, 59Google Scholar. Deaths from cattle disease, possibly rinderpest, were already raising the price of meat in Luanda in 1895: BOGPA, 1895, ii (16 03)Google Scholar. See also BOGPA, 1899, 2 (14 01), 21Google Scholar; 6 (ii February), 82.

¹⁵⁶ AHU, Angola, i^a Repartição 2^a Secção, caixa 18, letter 295 of the Governor General, 21 March 1898.

¹⁵⁷ See BOGPA, 1902, 4 (25 01), 34–5Google Scholar. Silva Correia, ‘A Varíola’. Similarly severe epidemics of smallpox were also reported from Guinea, Cape Verde and Mozambique in 1901–2: see Portugal em Africa, 8 (1901), 320, 375, 443 and 71.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁸ Portugal em Africa, 8 (1901), 561, 623, 626 and 721Google Scholar; 10 (1903), 356.

¹⁵⁹ Clarence-Smith, and Moorsom, ‘Underdevelopment and Class formation’, 375Google Scholar; Clarence-Smith, , Slaves, Peasants and Capitalists, 77.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁰ Pelissier, , Les Guerres Grises, 188.Google Scholar

¹⁶¹ Pelissier, , Les Guerres Grises, 488.Google Scholar

¹⁶² See Almeida, Joao de, ‘Relatorio da Colona de Operações aos Dembos’, in Relatório da Secção de Agricultura do Governo Geral de Angola (Luanda, 1907), 101–63Google Scholar; Magno, David, Guerras Angolanas (Porto, 1934).Google Scholar

¹⁶³ See British Foreign Office, Annual Series, Diplomatic and Consular Reports on Trade and Finance: Portugal, no. 1069.

¹⁶⁴ See, for example, da Fonseca, F. Duque and Xabregas, Joaquim, ‘Problemas de Nutrição de Angola – Aspectos de Luanda’, Boletim do Jnstituto de Angola, 8 (1957)Google Scholar. Also compare Roberts, Zambia, ii.

¹⁶⁵ See, for example, Ribeiro, Ferreira, Estudos, 246Google Scholar; Felgas, Hélio A. Esteves, As Populações Nativas do Congo Portugues (Carmona, 1958), 37Google Scholar; Clarence-Smith, , Slaves, Peasants and Capitalists, 70.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁶ Leitao, , Relatorio, 12.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁷ Leitao, , Relatorio, 113Google Scholar; Correia, Silva, ‘O Clima’, 430–2Google Scholar; Wheeler, Douglas L. and Christensen, D., ‘To rise with one Mind: the Bailundo War of 1902’, in Heimer, Franz-Wilhelm (ed.), Social Change in Angola (Munich, 1973)Google Scholar; Clarence-Smith, , Slaves, Peasants and Capitalists, 65.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁸ Neuparth, Eduardo Augusto, Apontamentos para a Historia da Cotnpanhia Agrícola de Cazengo (Lisboa, 1904), 22.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁹ Leitao, Relatorio. In this report, much of the mortality among labourers on the Cazengo plantations is attributed to yaws, or framboesia. See also da Costa, Alfredo Gomes, ‘A Higiene e a assistência clínica aos Trabalhadores das Fazendas Agricolas da Regiao do Amboim’, Revista Medica de Angola, ii, iv (1923), 367–75.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁰ Diniz, , Negocios Indígenas, i (1913), 83.Google Scholar

¹⁷¹ Cuanza Norte, ii July 1918.

¹⁷² Cuanza Norte, ii July 1918.

¹⁷³ A Provincia de Angola, 10 March 1932.

¹⁷⁴ See A Provincia de Angola, 1933–4, passim.

¹⁷⁵ AHU, Sala 12, Angola Diversos, caixa i, letter addressed to Dr Armindo Monteiro, 30 September 1932; also Angola 3, 31 03 1933.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁶ A Província de Angola, 15 January 1934.

¹⁷⁷ See particularly the article by Dr Damas Mora in A Provincia de Angola, 23 August 1932. Angola (3, 31 March 1933) pinpointed tuberculosis as having provoked a notable decline in population throughout the colony.

¹⁷⁸ Simmons, James S., Global Epidemiology, a Geography of Disease and Sanitation, ii (Philadelphia, 1944), 325–34Google Scholar, cited by Wheeler, , ‘A note on smallpox in Angola’, 355.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁹ A Provincia de Angola, 20 August 1940.

¹⁸⁰ See O Estandarte, XI, 97 (1943)Google Scholar. I am grateful to Dorothy Keet for this reference.

¹⁸¹ See Correia, Silva, ‘O Clima’, 440–53Google Scholar; Mora, Damas, ’A Peste’, 317–29.Google Scholar

¹⁸² Angola. The Organ of the Angola Evangelical Mission, no. 2, vol. 12 (02 1914), iiGoogle Scholar. Nzambi was the High God and creater of all things, who controlled the condition of the whole natural world: see Roberts, , Zambia, 73.Google Scholar

¹⁸³ Angola, The Organ of the Angola Evangelical Mission, op. cit.

¹⁸⁴ See Pelissier, , Les Guerres Grises, 232–48.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁵ For an analysis of the causes of this attempted coup see Birmingham, D., ‘The Twenty-Seventh of May. An Historical Note on the abortive 1977 coup in Angola’, African Affairs, lxxvii, 309 (10 1978), 554–64.CrossRefGoogle Scholar