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Djibo Bakary, the French, and the referendum of 1958 in Niger

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 January 2009

Finn Fuglestad
Affiliation:
Stavanger

Extract

This article concentrates on the events of 1958 in Niger. It tries to show that Djibo Bakary's power-base was a very weak one. This could be the reason why Djibo decided to opt for ‘No’ at the Referendum, namely that he needed command of the whole state machinery in order to crush his enemies, especially the chiefs. The French were bent on thwarting Djibo for geo-political reasons (e.g. the nearness of Algeria), but did so in a rather lighthanded way. In fact, Djibo brought about his own downfall through a number of miscalculations and blunders.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1973

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References

1 Brilliant but not always accurate journalistic accounts are to be found in Chaffard, Georges, Histoire secrète de la Décolonisation, 11 (Calmann-Lévy, Paris, 1967),Google Scholar and in Mortimer, Edward, France and the Africans 1944–60 (Faber and Faber Ltd., London, 1969). The author wishes to thank, among others, Michael Gerrard and J. D. Fage for help with his English text.Google Scholar

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3 The main bulk of information used in this article originates, where not otherwise stated, from interviews. These interviews were granted the author on the understanding that it would not be possible to trace any relevant information back to the man it came from. This is because the referendum of 1958 is still a ‘hot’ issue in Niger.Google ScholarMy sample comprises 16 Frenchmen who actually lived in Niger during and immediately before or after the referendum, namely zo Colonial Administrators (‘Administrateurs de la France d'Outre-Mer’), 3 Teachers, 2 Businessmen, and 1 Catholic priest.Google ScholarMy sample of Africans comprises 34 persons: 16 Hausas, II Zerma/Sonrais, and 7 /others/ (Fulanis, Kanuris, Mossis). Their background may be summarized in the following table: Of the 14 Africans mentioned in the article, 6 have been interviewed; of the 13 Europeans, 8. (Notable exceptions: de Gaulle, Houphouët-Boigny, Senghor and Djibo Bakary.)Google Scholar

4 According to my own calculations, there were by 1945 some 2,000 former William Ponty pupils in West Africa. Only about 60 of these came from Niger.Google Scholar

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23 In 1955–6 Ramadier, according to himself, was able to wrest out of the FIDES 1,450 millions instead of the 835 millions initially envisaged (Ramadier, op. cit. ).Google Scholar

24 Boubou Hama, ‘Ramadier est le père du socialisme dans ce pays’ (‘Procès-Verbal des délibérations de l'Assemblée Territoriale du Niger. Séance du 18 May 1957’) (ASP. Magaria). Djibo on the contrary accused Ramadier of having rescued the PPN/RDA from total oblivion. See ‘Rapport Général, Congrés du MSA les 6 juillet et 8 mai 1957’ cited in ‘Synthèse Mensuelle, Direction des Services de Police du Niger’ (henceforth SM. Police), Niamey, 31 May 1957, 8. (This periodical, only destined for the French Administration, is to be found in most archives in Niger).Google Scholar

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47 See Whitaker, C. S. Jr, The Politics of Traditicm. Continuity and Change in Northern Nigeria, 1946–66 (Princeton University Press, 1970).Google Scholar

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54 Afrique nouvelle, 19 Sept. 1958, 3.Google Scholar

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59 Ibid. 278–302, and Mortimer, op. cit. 322–4, 343.

60 See, for example, ‘Fiche de renseignement, Cercle de Gouré’, 1 Nov. 1958 (Military archives of Zinder).Google Scholar

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62 See, for instance, ‘Rapport sur le comportement des européens du Cercle de Tessaoua pendant le Referendum’, no date, 3–4 (ASP. Tessaoua).Google Scholar

63 ‘Lettre, Commandant, Cercle de Tessaoua à M. le Chef du Territoire du Niger’, Tessaoua, 1 Oct. 1958, a (ASP. Tessaoua). This information has been confirmed by many oral sources.Google Scholar

64 See Rash, Yehoshua, ‘Un établissement colonial sans histoires. Les premières années françaises au Niger 1897–1906’ (unpublished doctoral thesis, Paris, 01 1972).Google Scholar

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