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³ Ibid. 175–6. The battle did not occur at Kuruman as stated, but at Dithakong (Old Lithako). See below, p. 125. Tshane (Tswane) was not chief of the Fokeng, but of the Phuting. The Fokeng were led by Sebetwane. This error seems to originate in: ‘Statement drawn up at the request of Chief Molitsane’, Mekuatling, 28 January 1852, in Theal, G. M., Basutoland Records (3 vols.; Cape Town: Richards, 1883;Google Scholar reprinted Struik, C., 1964), I, 517–20.Google Scholar

⁴ The designation ‘Mantati (Mantatee)’ derives from the name MmaNthatisi, regent of the Mokotleng group of Tlokwa during the time of the wars. See below, p. 115.Google Scholar

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⁶ Theal, G. M., South Africa As It Is (King Williams Town: Privately printed, 1871).Google Scholar

⁷ Theal, G. M., Compendium of South African History and Geography (Lovedale: The Institution Press, 1874). This version does not name the horde and attributes the initial impetus to Mzilikazi rather than Mpangazita (3rd ed., 1877) 197–8.Google Scholar

⁸ Theal, G. M., History of South Africa (II vols., 5th ed.; London: Allen and Unwin, 1927), vol. v (vol. I of that section entitled History of South Africa from 1795 to 1872). This edition is identical with the fourth edition published in 1915 and reproduced in 1964 (Cape Town: C. Struick). The 1964 reprint will be cited hereafter as History, 1, unless other editions are specified.Google Scholar

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¹⁰ Theal, History, 1, 442–5.Google Scholar

¹¹ Cory, Walker and Macmillan all rely on Theal.Google Scholar

¹² Theal, History, I, vi.Google Scholar

¹³ This evaluation of Theal is confirmed by what follows; however, a similar indictment appears in Marais, J. S., Maynier and the First Boer Republic (2nd imp.; Cape Town: Maskew Miller, 1962), v–vi.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Stow, George W., The Native Races of South Africa, ed. Theal, G. M. (London: Swan Sonnenschein, 1905; reprinted Cape Town: C. Struik, 1964).Google Scholar Authors who have relied on Stow include D. Fred. Ellenberger (see below, note 16) and Becker, Peter, Path of Blood (London: Longmans, 1962).Google Scholar See Smith, Edwin, Great Lion, 149 n.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Stow, 376, 460–87, 506–04.Google ScholarSee also Preface, vi–viii.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Fred, D.. Ellenberger, and Macgregor, James C., History of the Basuto: Ancient and Modern (London: Caxton, 1912).Google ScholarOriginally written in French by Ellenberger and rewritten in English by Macgregor, his son-in-law. Cited hereafter as D. F. Ellenberger. Some of those who have depended on Ellenberger include: Becker; Sillery; Agar-Hamilton, J. A. I., The Native Policy of the Voortrekkers (Cape Town: Maskew Miller 1928); Edwin Smith, Great Lion.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Ellenberger identified his informants concerning this topic as Setaki and Moletsane (pp. 139, 186). A prefatory note by Macgregor attributes the contents of this work to oral tradition as the sole authority (p. xi). However, Ellenberger credits published sources on numerous occasions. For example, see references to Theal on pp. xxii, 6, 119, to Stow on pp. 2, 4, 11, 13, 53, 114, and to Lemue, Casalis, Arbousset, Moffat and Orpen. Despite his familiarity with Moltesane, who knew that the Tlokwa were not present at Dithakong (see note 3), Marion How suggests that Ellenberger preferred published sources. See How, 67.Google Scholar

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¹⁹ Ibid. 137.

²⁰ Ibid. 137–9.

²¹ Moffat, Robert, Missionary Labours and Scenes in Southern Africa (London: John Snow, 1842).Google Scholar

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²⁹ Theal, History, I, 428–9;Google ScholarBryant, A. T., Olden Times in Zululand and Natal (London: Longmans, 1929: reprinted C. Struick, 1965), 7–9, 87, 236, 228.Google Scholar The Embo were later called Mfengu, as were the Ngwane called Mfecane after they entered the wars. See Ayliff, John and Whiteside, Joseph, History of the Abambo Generally known as Fingos (William Hiddingh Reprint Series, no. 17 Cape Town: University of Cape Town Library, 1962, originally published in Butterworth, Fingoland, 1922), I, 16.Google Scholar

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³¹ Theal, History, I, 432;Google ScholarStow, 446;Apprenticeship, xv–xviiGoogle Scholar

³² Apprenticeship, xviii, 85 n.Google Scholar

³³ Ellenberger, Vivien, ‘History of the Batlôkwa of Gaberones (Bechuanaland Protectorate)’, Bantu Studies, xiii (Sept. 1939); 165 ff.;CrossRefGoogle ScholarEllenberger, D. F., 40.Google Scholar

³⁴ Ellenberger, D. F., 40.Google Scholar

³⁵ Macgregor, 34.Google Scholar

³⁶ Ellenberger, D. F., 44. Macgregor spells the name Mokotyo (p. 34),Google ScholarTheal spells it Mokotsho (History, I, 430)Google Scholar and Arbousset spells it Mokotcho (p. 57).

³⁷ Macgregor, 34.Google ScholarTheal gives the name as Monyalwe (History, I, 430);Google ScholarEllenberger, D. F. as Monyalue (p. 42).Google Scholar

³⁸ The date is derived from Macgregor, 27, and is supported by Arbousset, 58. This date has been selected on the basis that Macgregor and Arbousset had more immediate associations with the Tlokwa. Perhaps as likely a date is 1813, which is given by Ellenberger, D. F., 44.Google Scholar

³⁹ Ellenberger, D. F., 44.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Ellenberger, D. F., 42;Google ScholarMacgregor, 34. In these oral traditions MmaNthatisi appears very attractive. Theal says, ‘In her youth she must have been handsome, though her eyes were cold and piercing, such as command obedience without inspiring affection. She was utterly callous to human suffering’Google Scholar (History, I, 422). In contrast, D. F. Ellenberger claims that her people called her Mosayne, ‘the little woman’, out of their affection for her (p. 42). This latter suggestion is borne out later. See note 45.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Macgregor, 34.Google ScholarEllenberger, D. F. says ‘she was but a young woman at the time’ (p. 44).Google ScholarBackhouse substantiates the younger age (p. 405).Google Scholar

⁴² Arbousset, 58.Google Scholar

⁴³ Smith, Andrew, II, p1. 14;Google ScholarBackhouse, 405.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Arbousset, 57–8.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Macgregor, 33, 35;Google ScholarEllenberger, D. F., 127.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Ellenberger, D. F., 44, 46–7, 530.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Arbousset, 8;Google ScholarBackhouse, 405.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Ellenberger, D. F., 25;Google ScholarTheal, History, I, 445. Nguni tradition attributes blame to MmaNthatisi and names the Hlubi chief ‘Mjoli’ (Bryant, 155–3). Macgregor holds that Mokotyo was still alive, and calls the incident a rebellion by Motsholi (Mochodi), p. 27.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Ellenberger, D. F., 48;Google ScholarBryant, 151;Google ScholarTheal, History, 1, 44. Macgregor indicates that Sekonyela was not yet circumcised and that Mokotjo killed Motsholi (p. 27).Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Macgregor, 27;Google ScholarEllenberger, D. F., 45;Google ScholarBryant, 151.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Macgregor, 27;Google ScholarEllenberger, D. F., 121;Google ScholarArbousset, 403;Google ScholarAyliff and Whiteside, I, 9;Google ScholarShaw, William, The Story of My Mission in South-Eastern Africa (London: Hamilton, Adams, 1860), 525. Bryant dates this attack in 1818 (p. 138).Google Scholar

⁵² Ellenberger, D. F., 124. Macgregor claims that MmaNthatisi Sent her son to the Sia to be circumcised while she and the Tlokwa deflected Mpangazita's attention by fleeing directly west (pp. 27–8).Google Scholar

⁵³ Ellenberger, D. F., 124, 130.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Macgregor, 37;Google ScholarEllenberger, D. F., 130;Google ScholarAyliff and Whiteside, 10.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Macgregor, 43;Google ScholarEllenberger, D. F., 123, 127, 135, 139–45;Google ScholarBryant, 141. Because of the unstable nature of the Difaqane, each band should be regarded as the followers of a leader rather than a traditional clan membership.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Ellenberger, D. F., 43;Google ScholarMacgregor, 33. The details concerning the wanderings of the Tlokwa differ markedly in various accounts. This study will generally follow the pattern established in D. F. Ellenberger because he offers greater detail. Alternative renderings and preferences will be incorporated either in the text or in the footnotes.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Ellenberger, D. F., 124. Macgregor states that the Patsa were located at Botsepe, west of Bethlehem (p. 33).Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Livingstone's Private Journals, 1851–1853, ed. Schapera, I. (London: Chatto & Windus, 1960), 18;Google ScholarEllenberger, D. F., 126.Google ScholarArbousset, 85, 406,Google Scholar and Macgregor, 28, place this Battle of the Pots toward the end of MmaNthatisi's wanderings.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Ellenberger, D. F., 126;Google ScholarMacgregor, 33.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Ellenberger, D. F., 126–7;Google ScholarMacgregor, 33.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Ellenberger, D. F., 127;Google ScholarMacgregor, 33. Many such stories could be symbolic. A similar account is given in Ngwane tradition.Google Scholar See Msebensi, , History of Matiwane and the Amangwane Tribe, ed. van Warmelo, N. J. (Ethnological Publications, no. VII; Pretoria: Dept. of Native Affairs, 1938), 28.Google Scholar

⁶² Ellenberger, D. F., 127.Google Scholar

⁶³ Ibid. Macgregor does not account for a second attack on the Patsa but says that they were driven out by the initial attack (p. 33). Later he cites Ellenberger to suggest that the Taung were driven out at the end of 1822 (p. 62).

⁶⁴ Ellenberger, D. F., 127. This northward digression is not mentioned in Macgregor.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Ellenberger, D. F., 134, 145.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Ibid. 134; Macgregor, 34. Ellenberger places this incident at the Orange River which was in flood. Khiba supposedly saw the Tlokwa from across the river. Macgregor places the incident in the Rouxville District.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Ellenberger, D. F., 135.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Ibid. At this point Ellenberger fits into his narrative a foray across the Vaal (pp. 134–8). Such an incident is not found in either Macgregor or Arbousset. It was apparently rejected by Ellenberger later. See How, 67. Further, René Ellenberger, at the request of his father, learned that the Tlokwa praise songs never mentioq such raids. He regards this as positive proof that they did not occur. René Ellenberger to Marion How (his niece), Johannesburg, 5 April 1953, in How, 68.

⁶⁹ Ellenberger, D. F., 139. This mentions the Phuting raids over the Vaal. Macgregor mentions their return to join Sekonyela, p. 43.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Ellenberger, D. F., 140. Macgregor indicates that this was the point at which Sekonyela returned to his clan after his circumcision by the Sia, pp. 28, 37. See below, note 83.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Ellenberger, D. F., 339–40.Google Scholar

⁷² Ibid. 140–1.

⁷³ Ibid.

⁷⁴ Ibid.

⁷⁵ Ibid. 141–2.

⁷⁶ Ibid. 143; Arbousset, 408–9;Google ScholarMacgregor, 28. See above, note 58.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Ellenberger, D. F., 143–6. Ellenberger names the Nguni Sepetja; Msebenzi indicates it was Matiwane, 24;Google ScholarGodfrey Lagden attributes this attack to Mzilikazi, (The Basutos (2 vols., London: Hutchinson, 1909), I, 44.) Moshweshwe moved after this incident and established his people at Thaba Bosiu, a significant step in the history of the Basuto nation.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Ellenberger, D. F., 130. Ayliff and Whiteside date the entry of Matiwane two years after that of Mpangazita (p. 10). This would conform to Msebenzi's version, which relates Matiwane's entry to the siege of Butha Buthe (p. 24). Bryant dates the entry of Matiwane four years after that of Mpangazita, but would seem to be more accurate in reference to Matiwane's entry than the earlier date (p. 140).Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Ellenberger, D. F., 126–31;Google ScholarBryant, 140.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Ellenberger, D. F., 531. The Nguni were identified as Phuti and Polane.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Ibid. 131–9; Macgregor, 22;Google ScholarBryant, 140.Google Scholar

⁸² Msebenzi, 26;Google ScholarEllenberger, D. F., 540, 177–8;Google ScholarBackhouse, 388;Google ScholarBryant, 540.Google Scholar

⁸³ Ellenberger, D. F., 124–139;Google ScholarMacgregor, 36–37;Google ScholarBryant, 140.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Ayliff and Whiteside, 10–11;Google ScholarBryant, 14;Google ScholarMsebenzi, 32 ff.; D. F. Ellenberger gives March 1825 as the date of this battle (pp. 554–5).Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Ayliff and Vhiteside, 11;Google ScholarBryant, 141;Google ScholarMsebenzi, 36;Google ScholarEllenberger, D. F., 155.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Ayliff and Vhiteside, 11;Google ScholarMsebenzi, 36. Some survivors were reported to have joined Shaka also.Google ScholarEllenberger, D. F., 155.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Ayliff and Whiteside, 16;Google ScholarEllenberger, D. F., 578–82. Msebenzi tells of an advance reconnaissance by two regiments followed by the removal of the entire group when they were forced out by Shaka, who was induced to attack them by Moshweshwe, who had ceased being a vassal of Matiwane (pp. 30, 38 ff.). Bryant gives this account but considers more likely Mzilikazi's participation, as Zulu tradition does not mention the raid (pp. 142–3)Google Scholar. See also Sir Plasket, R. to Hay, R. W., Cape of Good Hope, 26 August 1827,Google Scholar in Theal, , Records of tile Cape Colony (36 vols., London: Govt. of the Cape Colony, 1898–1905), XXXII, 496.Google ScholarAccording to Plasket, a captured Mfecane told the Landdrost of Somerset that they had entered the colony because Shaka had stolen their cattle (W. H. Rogers, Lieut., Cape Cavalry, to Major Forbes, Commanding the Frontier, Chumie, 27 May 1825, in Records of the Cape Colony, xxii, 428). Rogers states that the first entry of Mfecane occurred two years prior to the main migration.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Ayliff and Whiteside, 16;Google ScholarBryant, 143;Google ScholarShaw, 525;Google ScholarMacKay, W. M., Landdrost of Somerset, to Sec. of Govt., Somerset, 8 August 1827, in Cape Colony Records, xxxiv, 463–5. This letter quotes an Mfecane who identifies his people as ‘Masotu’ and ‘Manguana’. ‘Mattuana’ was identified as their chief. Shaka was named as the cause of their flight south.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Msebenzi, 46;Google ScholarEllenberger, D. F., 185–97;Google ScholarBryant, 143.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Dundas, Major William B., Landdrost of Albany, to Lt.-Col. Henry Somerset, Camp above the Kaj River, 1 August 1828, in Msebenzi, 239–40. Major Dundas thought he had fought Shaka's troops.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Msebenzi, 54–60;Google Scholarvan Warmelo, in Msebenzi, 6, 236–7;Google ScholarSomerset, Lt.-Col. H. to Major-General Bourke, Bashee River, 29 August 1828,Google Scholar in Msebenzi, 252–7.Google Scholar

⁹² Ayliff and Whiteside, 16;Google ScholarBryant, 144. Msebenzi states that many of the tribe gathered again later under the heirs of Matiwane, 146.Google Scholar

⁹³ Msebenzi, 72–76;Google ScholarEllenberger, D. F., 189;Google ScholarBryant, 145.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ The refugees were identified in a census as ‘Mantatees, Goes [Ghoya] and Toro’. Stockenstrom, A., Landdrost of Graaff Reinet, to R. Plasket, Graaff Reinet, 1 June 1825, Cape Colony Records, xxiv, 295. See note 142, below.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ An example of defective oral tradition regarding the identity of the invaders among the Tswana is Molema, S. M., Chief Moroko (Cape Town: Methodist Publishing House and Book Depot [1951]), 9–10. Molema has obviously depended on published sources for his information.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ See above, notes 57 and 63.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ See above, note 63.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Ellenberger, D. F., 139.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Ibid. 125, 141.

¹⁰⁰ Thompson, 210.Google ScholarSee also Theal, History, I, 443.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Broadbent, 17.Google Scholar

¹⁰² Ibid. 29–30.

¹⁰³ Ibid. 31–8.

¹⁰⁴ Ibid. 37–8; Apprenticeship, 101. See Schapera, I., Apprenticeship, 86 n.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Thompson, 87–8.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Moffat, Robert to James and Mary Smith, Kuruman, 12 April 1823, in Apprenticeship, 73;Google ScholarMoffat, Missionary Labours, 340.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ Apprenticeship, 85–6.Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁹ Ibid. 89; Thompson, 206.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ Apprenticeship, 87.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Ibid.; Thompson, 88–90.Google Scholar

¹¹² Apprenticeship, 88–9; Missionary Labours, 347–53;Google ScholarThompson, 99–207. Thompson dated the pitso 14 July.Google Scholar

¹¹³ Thompson, 536–26; Apprenticeship, 90.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Apprenticeship, 90. Moffat listed ninety-nine Griqua. Thompson says they did not exceed eighty (p. 131).Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Thompson, 333. Thompson returned to Griquatown the next day (p. 135).Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ Ibid. 135, 163–4; Apprenticeship, 93–2. Moffat named those who fought outside the town Hlakwana and those in the town Tshane's people (Missionary Labours, 360).Google Scholar

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¹¹⁸ Thompson, 165.Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ Thompson, 165–8;Google ScholarApprenticeship, 92–4.Google Scholar

¹²⁰ Apprenticeship, 94. The battle continued until 3.30 p.m., according to Mclvill, making the whole last over seven hours.Google ScholarThompson, 168;Google ScholarApprenticeship, 95.Google Scholar

¹²¹ Thompson, 169–70;Google ScholarApprenticeship, 94.Google Scholar

¹²² Thompson, 171; Melvill estimated the number at 50,000. Moffat estimated the total at 50,000 in his journal, but submitted the number as 40,000 to the London Missionary Society (Apprenticeship, 95). He used the smaller figure in his memoits (Missionary Labours, 361).Google Scholar

¹²³ Apprenticeship, 95;Google ScholarThompson, 272.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ Apprenticeship, 96.Google Scholar

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¹²⁶ Apprenticeship, 98. See below, note 152.Google Scholar

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¹²⁸ Thompson, 171. Moffat, Mary to James and Mary Smith, Griquatown, 1 September 1823,Google Scholar in Apprenticeship, 109;Google ScholarHodgson, in Broadbent, 70–1.Google Scholar

¹²⁹ Thompson, 170.

¹³⁰ Ibid. 203–4.

¹³¹ Ibid. 136–7, 204–5. Thompson spells the name of the tribe ‘Batcloqueene’ and ‘Bacloqueeni’.

¹³² Ibid. 102 n). See also Ellenberger, D. F., 71.Google ScholarIn 1857 an old Phuting warrior who had fought at Dithakong and was then residing with Mzilikazi told Moifat that three chiefs had been killed that day: Tshane, Nkgaraganye and another (The Matabele Journals of Robert Moffat, 1829–1860, ed. Wallis, J. P. R. (2 vols; Oppenheimer Series no. I; London: Chatto and Windus, 1945), II, 81).Google Scholar

¹³³ Apprenticeship, 103.

¹³⁴ Missionary Labours, 360. By 1842, when this work was published, Moffat had developed a more familiar orthography. Stow, referring to the names, states, ‘These must have been names given by the Batlapin to these chiefs’ (Stow, 477 n.).

¹³⁵ Apprenticeship, 117, 230, 249. See also Missionary Labours, 414 ff. That Moffat recognized the distinction between various bands is indicated in his journal: ‘It appears from their statements that the late invaders are a tribe very diiferent from those who were defeated at Old Lattakoo’ (Apprenticeship, 215). See also Mary Moffat to Robert Moffat, Kuruman, 28 July 1824: ‘The Mant. fought terribly, had five kings, used the assegai dexterously, but were not the same people who fought at Old Lattakoo…’ (Apprenticeship, 159).

¹³⁶ Ellenberger, D. F., 139.Google Scholar

¹³⁷ ‘Statement drawn up at the Request of Chief Molitsane’, Mekuatling, 28 January 1852,Google Scholar in Basutoland Records, 1, 517.Google Scholar

¹³⁸ Livingstone, David to A. Tidman, Banks of the Zouga, 17 October 1851, in Livingstone's Missionary Correspondence: 1841–1856, ed. Schapera, I. (Berkeley and Los Angeles: U.C. Press, 1961), 180–1;Google Scholar see also 174–5, 18. Livingstone's Private Journals, 22. Marion How notes Livingstone's claim but disregards it. In her reconstruction she accepted the version of her grandfather, D. F. Ellenberger, that the Phuting fought Sebetwane earlier and that Sebetwane had moved before the battle against the Griqua (How, 69–70). See Ellenberger, 307, and Edwin Smith, 372.

¹³⁹ See above, note 68. See also Macgregor, 27–35. Marion How claims Macgregor, her father, obtained his information from two elderly Tlokwa warriors who had accompanied MmaNthatisi during her wanderings (How, 68). Samuel Rolland attributes the widespread fame of MmaNthasisi to the practice of the Sotho of shouting their news from hill-top to hill-top in such fashion that everyone became apprehensive and mistook any approaching army for that of MmaNthatisi (How, 66).

¹⁴⁰ Moffat, Mary to James and Smith, Mary, Griquatown, 1 September 1823, in Apprenticeship, 108.Google Scholar See also D. F. Ellenberger, 139.

¹⁴¹ Ibid.; Moffat, Robert to Mary Moffat, Kuruman, 13 August 1823,Google Scholar in Ibid. 107.

¹⁴² Ibid. xx, 405–6. This describes the entry into Graaff Reinet of many starving women and children who survived the battle at Dithakong. A later dispatch numberedt he refugees as being upwards of 300 (Somerset to Bathurst, Cape of Good Hope, 30 July 1825, in Ibid. XXII, 419).

¹⁴³ Macgregor, 41, 43; D. F. Ellenberger, 205.

¹⁴⁴ Moffat, M. to James and Mary Smith, Griquatown, 1 September 1823,Google Scholar in Apprenticeship, 109;Google Scholar Hodgson, in Broadbent, 70–1.

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¹⁴⁷ Smith, Edwin, Great Lion, 77.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁸ Casalis, 77–8.Google Scholar

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¹⁵⁰ Apprenticeship, 247.Google Scholar

¹⁵¹ Bain, 57–70.

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¹⁵⁴ Ibid. 225 ff.

¹⁵⁵ Estimate from Thompson, 89, 205.

¹⁵⁶ See above, note 5.

¹⁵⁷ Thompson, 208 ff.;Google ScholarShaw, Barnabas, Memorials of Southern Africa (London: J. Mason, 1841), 47;Google ScholarEllenberger, René to Marion How, Johannesburg, 5 April 1953,Google Scholar in How, 73.