Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 January 2009
Little attention has been paid to the great growth of trade in West Africa in the nineteenth century prior to the ‘economic revolution’ which began towards its close. As far as the export-import trade at the coast is concerned, British statistics show that between c. 1810 and c. 1850 the import of various manufactured staples increased by factors from at least 3 to as much as 50. The question arises as to how such a large increase in the volume of trade on the coast was financed in the absence of banking procedures. On the Senegal and Gambia and in the Niger delta, the traditional eighteenth-century practice by which visiting European merchants advanced credit to African brokers in goods continued. On the Gold Coast and at Sierra Leone and Lagos, however, a new class of local importers, of African as well as European origin, emerged and were able to secure credit from European exporters. But, though, less flexible than the newer system, the old system, with its tendency to monopoly on the part of both European traders and African brokers, seems to have permitted the greater expansion of credit. However, by the second half of the century, both systems were under strain and leading to conflicts over debts and jurisdiction, which are examined. Ultimately both were replaced by the European trading houses entering the interior trade through the use of paid agents, many of whom were recruited from among the new merchant class of Sierra Leone, the Gold Coast and Lagos.
1 Newbury, C., ‘Trade and Authority in West Africa from 1850 to 1880’, chap. 2 in Gann, L. H. and Duignan, Peter (eds.), Colonialism in Africa, 1870–1960, I, The History and Politics of Colonialism, 1870–1914 (Cambridge, 1969), 77–9;Google Scholar‘North African and Western Sudan Trade in the Nineteenth Century: A Re-evaluation’, Journal of African History, vii (1966), 233–46.Google Scholar
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4 ‘Western Africa’ in Board of Trade statistics covers the coast from Senegal to South West Africa, divided into the following sectors:
5 Parl. Papers, 1842, xi (551)Google Scholar, Q. 3347. Cf. William Bosman's complaint of ‘Inconvenience’ at Benin, where, ‘we are obliged to trust them with Goods to make Panes or Cloaths of; for the Payment of which we frequently stay so long that…we are obliged to depart without our Money: But on the other hand the next time we come hither, we are sure to be honestly paid the whole…’; New and Accurate Description of the Coast of Guinea divided into the Gold, Slave and the Ivory Coast (1967), 433.
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18 See, Burton to Russell (Private), 15 Apr. 1864, F.O. 84/1221. The major firms were: Horsfall, Askinall, Dill & Co., Hatton & Cookson (Liverpool), Cameroon and Bonny; Mr Lilley (Bristol), King & Co. (Bristol), Cameroon; Thos. Harrison & Co., Grant Murdoch, Bonny; Stuart & Douglas (Liverpool), Walker Scott & Co., Taylor Laughland, Hamilton & Co. (Glasgow), Old Calabar; Tyson, Richmond & Jones (Liverpool), Company of African Merchants, Old Calabar; Thomson Perry & Co., New Calabar. The African ‘houses’ and brokerages were Bell, Akwa, Charley Dido (Cameroon); John Archibong, Tom Honesty (Calabar); Pepple, Ja Ja, Jack Manilla (Bonny); Amakiri, Barboys (New Calabar); Chiefs of Brass.
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41 Ibid. Mayne to C.O., 16 May 1874. Mayne also reminded the Colonial Office that local revenues depended on trade and that ‘a bankruptcy law might affect, or even convulse the existing system of trade’.