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Coercion and Control in Nyasaland: Aspects of the History of a Colonial Police Force*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 January 2009

John McCracken
Affiliation:
University of Stirling

Extract

This article examines the changing function of the Nyasaland police force between the 1890s and 1962. Initially, the police consisted of small groups of armed ex-soldiers, totally untrained in conventional police duties and employed by district officers in pressing labour and enforcing the payment of hut tax. In 1920, however, the authorities responded to the threat seemingly posed by the emergence of ‘dangerous classes’ – particularly labour migrants returned from the south – by forming a trained, centralized force, commanded in the Shire Highlands, though not elsewhere, by European police-officers. In the reorganized districts the police succeeded in protecting urban property. But so limited was the size of the force that the prevention and detection of crime was hardly attempted over the greater part of the country, while campaigns such as that against the Mchape witchcraft eradication movement foundered in the face of popular opposition.

Substantial changes began in the mid-1940s in response to urbanization and the increasing complexity of police duties, coming to a climax in the 1950s as the colonial government struggled to maintain authority. At first the emphasis was on raising educational standards and improving conditions of service. But following the crisis of 1953, it switched to expanding police numbers and increasing the coercive power of the force; this process was accelerated in the aftermath of the 1959 emergency.

Recruitment policies were influenced by the technical requirements of the authorities and by the ethnic stereotypes they evolved – a combination which resulted in the recruitment of a disproportionate number of Yao policemen in the first few decades and of more Lomwe and Chewa later. Policemen were attracted less by the rates of pay than by the privileges on offer. An inner corps of policemen spent their lives upholding colonial authority, but most could not be placed in a distinctive category of ‘collaborator’.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1986

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References

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20 Smith to Secretary of State for Colonies, 18 Aug. 1919, MNA S1/152/19.

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27 See ‘Reports on native controlled missions, 1940–3’, MNA S1A/1339.

28 Ibid.

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32 L. S. Norman to Secretary of State for Colonies, 4 Oct. 1920, P.R.O. CO 525/94; G. Smith to Secretary of State for Colonies, 21 Feb. 1921, CO 525/25.

33 See Vaughan, ‘Social and economic change’, 130, where she notes that in 1938 hut tax contributions still accounted for 28.7 per cent of total local revenue in Nyasaland but only 12 per cent in Southern Rhodesia and 8.2 per cent in Northern Rhodesia.

34 Annual Report of Northern Province for year ending 31 March 1926, MNA S1/920/26.

35 K.R.T. to the Governor, 30 Jan. 1934, MNA S1/1379/27. According to this memo, nearly one half of the people sent to prison in 1930 were committed for non-payment of hut tax.

36 Undated memo on ‘Northern Province’, POL 2/17/11.

37 See for example Zomba Monthly Police Report, Nov. 1938, MNA POL 5/2/16.

38 Major Stephens to Provincial Commissioner, Southern Province, 18 July 1924, MNA POL 2/19/4.

39 The Blantyre town police dates from 1899 and the Limbe town police from 1911. See minutes of the Blantyre Town Council, 11 May 1899 and Limbe Town Council, 13 June 1911, MNA BL 2/1/1/1 and 2/1/2/1.

40 The first clause in the Blantyre bye-laws of 1912 runs as follows: ‘No Asiatic or Native shall acquire property either leasehold or freehold or settle or carry on trade on his own account, either directly or indirectly or jointly or in partnership with a European in the Township except in the Asiatic Ward’: MNA S1/3921/19. Some time before 1920 this was modified to allow Asians to reside in any part of the Township, though in practice strenuous efforts were made to prevent them from doing so.

41 Ibid, and ‘Township Ordinances, Blantyre and Limbe 1938’, MNA S1/392ii/19.

42 Blantyre Town Council minutes, 27 June 1899, 23 Nov. 1900, 25 Oct. 1915.

43 Limbe Town Council minutes, 28 Aug. 1922 and 29 Jan. 1923.

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48 Ibid., July-Aug., Nov.-Dec. 1930.

49 Figures calculated from Blantyre Monthly Police Reports and Annual Reports of Nyasaland Police, 1930–4. In the five months from Sept. 1931 to Jan. 1932 not a single case of robbery or housebreaking was reported from Blantyre, Limbe and Zomba.

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54 Zomba Monthly Police Report July and Oct. 1949, MNA POL 5/2/16; Nyasaland Times, 17 and 20 Oct. 1949. I owe this reference to Dr William Beinart.

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56 The number of motor vehicles in Nyasaland increased from 623 in 1924 to 2,189 in 1929. See Nyasaland Military Handbook, June 1924 and 31 Dec. 1929, MNA S2/6/27. By 1930 nearly 3,000 bicycles a year were being imported.

57 Annual Report of the Nyasaland Police for 1930.

58 Blantyre Monthly Police Reports, Sept. 1944, May-June 1946, MNA POL 5/2/2.

59 Report of Social Welfare Officer, Southern Province, 1951, MNA 2/28/7F 2525. I owe this reference to Dr Megan Vaughan.

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64 G. D. Anderson, Provincial Commissioner Southern Province to Chief Secretary, Zomba, 6 Dec. 1932, MNA S1/522/32.

65 Evidence of N. C. Dulana in District Officer, Liwonde, to Provincial Commissioner Southern Province, 12 Nov. 1932, S1/522/32.

66 Minute by Attorney General, 4 Jan. 1933 in S1/522/32.

67 Provincial Commissioner, Southern Province to all District Commissioners, Southern Province, 9 Feb. 1933, MNA NS 1/23/2.

68 McCracken, John, Politics and Christianity in Malawi, 1873–1940 (Cambridge, 1977), 280281.Google Scholar

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104 Percentages calculated from Annual Reports of the Nyasaland Police. Clearly there are dangers involved in attempting to define individuals in ethnic terms in an area like colonial Malawi where tribal identity was very fluid. The ‘Lomwe’ for example, as at present defined, are essentially a creation of the 1940s. However, it is important to note (a) that the recruitment policies of the colonialists were considerably influenced by these tribal categories and (b) that many soldiers and policemen accepted and utilized them for their own purposes.

105 Annual Report of the Nyasaland Police, 1939. As early as 1928 it was noted in the annual report: ‘It is very doubtful whether the ordinary African ex-soldier makes a good policeman; his military training and surroundings are inclined to make him domineering and aggressive towards other Africans and a man of these traits is useless as a policeman': MNA POL 5/1/2.

106 loe Memo by W. B. Bithrey, 16 May 1939. MNA POL 2/17/3.

107 See particularly Nyasaland Times, 7 Sept. 1953.

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112 Blantyre Monthly Police Report, Feb. 1938, MNA POL 5/2/1.

113 See ‘Grievances of educated natives of Blantyre to the Magistrate Blantyre’, 1923, MNA NC 1/3/2.

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118 Annual Report for Chiradzulu District, 1939, MNA NSD 2/1/4. Career details of policemen serving under district officers are contained in the Nyasaland district books.

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127 Geo. S. Mwase for Central Province Universal Native Association, 19 Nov. 1927, MNANC 1/3/2.