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AFRICANISING APARTHEID: IDENTITY, IDEOLOGY, AND STATE-BUILDING IN POST-INDEPENDENCE AFRICA*
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 01 October 2015
Abstract
Between 1968 and 1975, the leaders of white South Africa reached out to independent African leaders. Scholars have alternately seen these counterintuitive campaigns as driven by a quest for regional economic hegemony, divide-and-rule realpolitik, or a desire to ingratiate the regime with the West. This article instead argues that the South African government's outreach was intended to energise a top-down recalibration of the ideology of Afrikaner nationalism, as the regime endeavoured to detach its apartheid programme from notions of colonialist racial supremacy, and instead reach across the colour line and lay an equal claim to the power and protection of African nationalism. These diplomatic manoeuvrings, therefore, serve as a prism through which to understand important shifts in state identity, ideological renewal, and the adoption of new state-building models.
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- Ideological Innovation in Postcolonial Africa
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References
1 ‘Le président Banda en Afrique du Sud’, Fraternité-Matin, 17 Aug. 1971; ‘Thousands of South Africans give Kamuzu great welcome’, Malawi News, 20 Aug. 1971.
2 Hastings Kamuzu Banda Collection (HBA), Indiana University, Box 7, Programmes, 12, Programme for State Visit to South Africa, 16–20 Aug. 1971.
3 ‘Le président Banda en Afrique du Sud’.
4 Vorster's ‘outward policy’ is also widely known as ‘dialogue’ as well as ‘outward movement’. The one term has been used here for simplicity's sake.
5 South African Department of Foreign Affairs Archives (DFAA) 1/99/19 13, Africa: SA Policy in Africa and Relations with African States, report, author unclear, ‘Houding van Afrika-State teenoor Suid-Afrika’, Apr. 1972.
6 The first use of the ‘détente’ label appears to be in the opening of a new file in Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith's office on 11 Oct. 1974: ISP, Deposit 4, Box 6, Détente: Official Communications with South Africa, Volume 1. The term was in common usage in the domestic and international press by the end of the month, of which the earliest mention appears to be ‘New face of black-white confrontation in southern Africa’, Boston Globe, 14 Oct. 1974.
7 The motivations of those African leaders willing to engage with Pretoria, though beyond the scope of this article, merit much fuller investigation than they have heretofore received.
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32 Ibid.
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53 From 1974 onwards, the Department of Information launched parallel covert overtures to Africa as part of its policy remit. For the most reliable account, see L. de Villiers, Secret Information (Cape Town, 1980).
54 This premise was the golden thread running through all incarnations of Vorster's foreign policy until the game-changing Soweto riots of 1976.
55 Hansard, House of Assembly Debates, 6 Aug. 1974, col. 123.
56 Pretoria explicitly classified African states according to this dichotomy. DFAA 1/99/19 13, Africa: SA Policy in Africa and Relations with African States, report, author unclear, ‘Houding van Afrika-State teenoor Suid-Afrika’, Apr. 1972.
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69 Fifth Summit Conference of East and Central African States, ‘Manifesto on Southern Africa’ (Lusaka, Apr. 1969).
70 National Archives of Malawi (NMA) 45/1/13 V, John R. Ngwiri, Secretary for External Affairs, to Minister for External Affairs, ‘Report of a Mission to the United Nations', Apr. 1972. I would like to thank James Brennan for this document.
71 HBA, Box 1, Correspondence, 2, Banda to Kaunda, 28 Nov. 1967.
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88 B. Fourie, Brandpunte: Agter Die Skerms met Suid-Afrika se Bekendste Diplomaat (Cape Town, 1991), 109.
89 DFAA 1/157/3 AJ 1975, ‘Meeting between the Hon. Prime Minister and the Zambians', 15 Oct. 1974.
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94 ARCA PV 203, P. W. Botha, 4/2/66, Toesprake, Notes for Speech to the House of Assembly, 6 Feb. 1975.
95 Interview with Pik Botha, Pretoria, 5 Apr. 2013; Smith, The Great Betrayal, 165.
96 du Pisani, John Vorster, 183.
97 Hansard, House of Assembly Debates, 25 Apr. 1975, cols. 4820–2.
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99 ‘South Africa's trade routes to détente’, Financial Times, 15 Oct. 1975.
100 ARCA PV 132 B. J. Vorster, 5/1/19–22, Aantekeninge en Dagboeke, Vorster's Dagboek. One exception was the Bloemfontein daily Volksblad, whose editorials were consistently sceptical that détente with black Africa was feasible.
101 ‘Wanbegrippe oor Rhodesië’, Die Transvaler, 18 Jan. 1975.
102 ‘Schoeman speech ignored’, Sunday Times, 8 Dec. 1974.
103 Schoeman, My Lewe in Die Politiek, 411.
104 Afrikaner Broederbond (AB) 1975/1-5URanotDB, Box 1/1/23, 1 Besluite: Agendas & Notules, ‘Verslag van Samesprekings wat by die UR plaasgevind het’, 28 Feb. 1975.
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107 Hansard, House of Assembly Debates, 10 Sept. 1974, col. 2608.
108 Hansard, House of Assembly Debates, 6 Aug. 1974, cols. 122–3.
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110 Hansard, House of Assembly Debates, 12 Mar. 1971, col. 2666.
111 Pfister, Apartheid South Africa and African States, 71.
112 I am grateful to Daniel Magaziner for discussions on this point. For recent work on global ‘whiteness' see, M. Lake and H. Reynolds, Drawing the Global Colour Line: White Men's Countries and the International Challenge of Racial Equality (Cambridge, 2008); and B. Schwarz, The White Man's World (Oxford, 2011).
113 For example, see Terretta, M., ‘Cameroonian nationalists go global: from forest Maquis to a pan-African Accra’, The Journal of African History, 51:2 (2010), 189–212CrossRefGoogle Scholar; F. Cooper, Citizenship Between Empire and Nation: Remaking France and French Africa, 1945–1960 (Princeton, NJ, 2014); and D. Branch, Defeating Mau Mau, Creating Kenya: Counterinsurgency, Civil War, and Decolonization (Cambridge, 2009).
114 Glassman, War of Words, 3–22.
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