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²⁹ P.R.O. T 70/51: instructions to agent Freeman, I December 1702.Google Scholar

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³⁵ P.R.O. T 70/53: instructions to agent Plunkett, 9 February 1721. (He was sent a new branding iron.)Google Scholar

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⁴³ Crooks, J. J., in his A History of the Colony of Sierra Leone (Dublin, 1903), holds to the view of African slavery being ancient, but he makes no connexion with the Atlantic slave-trade.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ See, for example, McKitrick, Eric (ed.), Slavery Defended: the Views of the Old South (New Jersey, 1963).Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Obviously, the early records of the Portuguese in Benin and the Congo could be of vital importance here. Basil Davidson cited Pacheco Pereira to the effect that there were wars in Benin providing captives for the Europeans, and added that ‘these wars provided slaves for domestic use, much as in medieval Europe’. This is a reasonable presumption, but it is nevertheless an interpolation and not the evidence of Pacheco Pereira (Old Africa Rediscovered, 124, and Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis, ed. Mauny, 134). For the Congo (121, 122) Davidson cites a secondary work: Ihle, A., Das alte Kōnigreich Kongo (1929).Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Besides, Mungo Park was heavily influenced by the West Indian slave-owner Bryan Edwards; and it was one of the pro-slavery arguments that, if the majority of Africans were already slaves in Africa, then it would be no improvement in their lot to end the Atlantic slave-trade and American slavery. For a discussion of the extent to which Park was influenced by Edwards, see the introduction by Murray, John to the publication of Park's second Niger journey, The Journal of a Mission to Africa in the Year 1805.Google Scholar

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⁵² Jobson, Richard, The Golden Trade (London, 1933), 108, 109. The ‘slaves’ in the Gambia were owned by the Muslim imams.Google Scholar

⁵³ See above, p. 434.Google Scholar

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