Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-j824f Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-07T06:26:57.993Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

The Adoption of Autarky in Imperial Madagascar, 1820–18351

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 January 2009

Gwyn Campbell
Gwyn Campbell
Affiliation:
University of the Witwatersrand
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

Traditionally, historians have viewed Queen Ranavalona I as being responsible for inaugurating an autarkic policy in Madagascar. Her expulsion of most foreigners from the country in 1835 is seen primarily as a reflection of her conservative and xenophobic attitudes. In this she is contrasted with her predecessor, Radama I, who is viewed as an enlightened and progressive monarch who, through wise domestic policies and an alliance with the British on Mauritius from 1817, built up an economically sound and prosperous empire. This paper challenges the traditional interpretation, arguing that in fact the Merina economy was in a dire condition from the second decade of the nineteenth century because the slave exports upon which it heavily depended were severely restricted in consequence of the British takeover of the Mascarenes. The subsequent alliance between Britain and Imerina totally prohibited slave exports. However, Radama I looked to Mauritius and British aid to promote legitimate exports and to help impose Merina rule over all Madagascar. Autarkic policies were initiated by Radama I in 1825–6 as a reaction against the failure of the British alliance to produce the anticipated results, and against the free trade imperialism that accompanied it. Convinced by 1825 that the Mauritius government meant to subordinate Imerina both economically and politically to British imperial interests, he reneged on the British treaty and adopted a policy designed to promote rapid economic growth within an independent island empire. Ranavalona I, far from implementing irrational and xenophobic policies, extended her predecessor's autarkic policies in a rational and systematic manner, and for precisely the same ends.

Type
Articles
Information
The Journal of African History , Volume 28 , Issue 3 , November 1987 , pp. 395 - 411
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1987

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

2 Ellis, W., History of Madagascar (London, 1838), II, 403.Google Scholar

3 Ibid, 11, 411, 416.

4 Deschamps, H., Histoire de Madagascar (Paris, 1972), 151.Google Scholar

5 Ibid, 163.

6 Ibid, 16; Ellis, History of Madagascar, ii, 486.Google Scholar

7 Ayache, Simon, ‘Esquisse pour le portrait d'une reine: Ranavalona Iere’, Omaly sy Anio, 1–11 (1975), 251–70;Google ScholarBrown, M., ‘Ranavalona I and the missionaries, 1828–1840’, Omaly sy Anio, V–VI (1977), 107–39.Google Scholar

8 Valette, Jean, ‘Radama I, the Unification of Madagascar and the Modernisation of Imerina (1810–1828)’, in Kent, R. (ed.), Madagascar in History (Berkeley, 1979), 194;Google ScholarCampbell, Gwyn, ‘The monetary and financial crisis of the Merina Empire, 1810–1826’, The South African Journal of Economic History, i, i (1986), 99–118.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

9 Valette, Jean, Études sur le régne de Radama I (Tananarive, 1962);Google ScholarMunthe, Ludvig, Ayache, Simon, and Ravoajanahary, Charles, ‘Radama I et les Anglais. Les négotiations de 1817 d'après les sources malgaches (“sorabe” inédits)’, Omaiy sy Anio, III–IV (1976).Google Scholar

10 Toussaint, Auguste, Histoire des îles Mascareignes (Paris, 1972), 194–9.Google Scholar

11 Sage, Le, ‘Mission to Madagascar’ (1816), CO 167/34, 121–2;Google ScholarHastie, James, ‘Diary’ (1817), CO 167/34, 150;Google ScholarToussaint, A., La route des îles – contribution à l'histoire maritime des Mascareignes (Paris, 1967);Google ScholarFilliot, J. M., La traite des esciaves vers les Mascareignes (Paris, 1974);Google ScholarCampbell, G., ‘Madagascar and the slave trade, 1810–1895’, J. Afr. Hist., XXII (1981), 203–8;CrossRefGoogle ScholarIdem, ‘The role of the London Missionary Society in the rise of the Merina Empire, 1810–1861’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Wales, 1985), ch. 2.

12 Campbell, ‘Role of the London Missionary Society’, ch. 4;Google ScholarMunthe et al., ‘Radama I et les Anglais’, 12, 41.Google Scholar

13 Farquhar, ‘Minute’ on Madagascar (Port Louis, Aug. 1822), CO 167/63;Google ScholarCampbell, ‘Role of the London Missionary Society’, 1, 115.Google Scholar

14 RH in Munthe et al., ‘Radama I et les Anglais’, 33.Google Scholar

15 Until 1820 slaves constituted Imerina's sole export and were paid for almost entirely in cash. Slave exports fell from an estimated 2,000 per annum in 1800 to an average of 500 per annum thereafter until the Britanno–Merina treaty of 1820. Contemporary accounts indicate that slave supplies were constant throughout this period due to captives from Radama I's expansionist wars: see Campbell, ‘Madagascar and the Slave Trade’, 206, 208;Google ScholarIdem, ‘Role of the London Missionary Society’, 174–6, 189–90.

16 Campbell, ‘Role of the London Missionary Society’, 172–7;Google ScholarDuhaut-Cilly, ‘Notices sur le royaume d'Emirne, sur la capitale de Tananarivou et sur le gouvernement de Rhadama’ (1825),Google Scholar in Valette, J., ‘Deux documents franais sur Madagascar en 1825; les rapports Duhaut-Cilly et Frére’, BAM, xlvl, i–ii (1968), 238–9.Google Scholar

17 Farquhar, ‘Minute’ on Madagascar (1822), CO 167/63; ‘Expenses incurred by the Government on Mauritius on account of Madagascar’, in House of Commons, Parliamentary Papers, 26 (1828), 72–82;Google ScholarFarquhar to Earl Bathurst, Port Louis, 29 July 1822, CO 167/63;Google ScholarCampbell, ‘Madagascar and the Slave Trade’, 206, 208.Google Scholar

18 Hastie, ‘Diary’ (1817), CO 167/34, 188;Google ScholarIdem., ‘Diary’ (1820), CO 167/50, 472.

19 Jones and Grifliths to LMS, Antananarivo, 2 June 1824, SOAS/LMS MIL, Bx. 2 F. 1 J.A;Google ScholarHastie, ‘Diary’ (1817), 143, 148, 188;Google ScholarIdem, ‘Diary’ (1820), 484, 493, 496; Idem, ‘Diary’ (1822), CO 167/63; Hastie to Barry, Antananarivo, 22 April 1824, CO 167/78, pt. I, 43;Google ScholarMayeur, ‘Voyage au pays d'ancove, autrement dit des hovas ou Anboilamba dans l'intérieur des terres, Isle de Madagascar’ (1777), EL, Add. 18128, 177–80;Google ScholarDuhaut-Cilly, ‘Notice sur le royaume d'Emirne’ 238–9;Google ScholarGrandidier, A., ‘Property among the Malagasy’ (trans. J. Sibree), AAMM, xxii (1898), 228, 230.Google Scholar

20 Radama I to Farquhar, Antananarivo, 13 May 1823, CO 167/66.Google Scholar

21 Hugon, ‘Aperçu de mon dernier voyage à ancova de l'an 1808’, BL, Add. 18137, II;Google ScholarSage, Le, ‘Mission’ (1816), 102;Google ScholarOliver, S. P., Madagascar: An Historical and Descriptive Account of the Island and its former Dependencies (London, 1886), 1, 450, and 11, 3;Google ScholarA. et Grandidier, G., Histoire physique, naturelle et politique de Madagascar, iv, iv (1928), 6–8, 30–9.Google Scholar

22 Mayeur, ‘Voyage au pays d'ancove, par le pays d'ancaye autrement dit des Baizangouzangoux’ (1785), 224, BL, Add. 18128;Google ScholarHastie, ‘Diary’ (1817), 187;Google ScholarGrandidier, , Histoire, iv, iv (1928), 3–7, ii.Google Scholar

23 Hastie, ‘Diary’ (1817), 160;Google Scholarsee also Grandidier, , Histoire, IV, iv (1928), 3–5, 3, 60–1.Google Scholar

24 Oliver, Madagascar, i, 285, 451–2;Google ScholarSibree, J., A Naturalist in Madagascar (London, 1915), 53;Google ScholarRobequain, R., Madagascar et les bases dispersées de l'union française (Paris, 1958), 50–1.Google Scholar

25 Sémerville, ‘Souvenirs de Sainte-Marie’ in Decary, Raymond, ‘Le voyage du lieutenant de Vaisseau de Sémerville à l'île Sainte-Marie en 1824’, BAM, XVI (1933), 50–1;Google ScholarHastie, ‘Diary’ (1822), CO 167/63;Google ScholarIdem, ‘Diary’ (1822–23), CO 167/66.

26 Hastie ‘Extract’ in ‘Report of the Examination of the Schools’ (17 March 1825), SOAS/LMS MIL, Bx. 2 F. 2 J.A;Google ScholarGrandidier, , Histoire, iv, i (1908), 256.Google Scholar

27 Hastie, ‘Diary’ (1817), 128;Google ScholarJones and Griffiths to LMS (nd), SOAS/LMS MIL, Bx. 1, F. 5 J.A;Google ScholarCanham to Burder, Ifenoarivo, 5 Nov. 1824, SOAS/LMS MIL, Bx. 2 F. 1 J.C; RH, 16–17;Google ScholarCallet, F., Histoire des Rois (Tananarive, 1974), II–IV, 927.Google Scholar

28 Jones and Griffiths to LMS (nd), SOAS/LMS MIL, Bx. 1, F. 5 J.A;Google ScholarRowlands to Burder, Antananarivo 17 June 1824, SOAS/LMS MIL, Bx. 2 F. 1 J.B;Google ScholarEllis, W., Three Visits to Madagascar during the years 1853–1854–1856 (London, 1859), 341–2;Google ScholarJeffreys, Keturah, The Widowed Missionary's Journal (Southampton, 1827), 173–6.Google Scholar

29 Hastie, ‘Diary’ (1817);Google ScholarIdem, ‘Diary‘ (1820); Canham to Burder, Ifenoarivo, Nov. 1824, SOAS/LMS MIL, Bx. I F. i J. C;Google ScholarOliver, Madagascar, 1, 307, 318–9;Google ScholarGrandidier, , Histoire, IV, iv (1928),Google ScholarCampbell, Gwyn, ‘Labour and the transport problem in Imperial Madagascar, 1810’, J. Afr. Hist., XXI (1980), 341–56.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

30 Jones and Griffiths to LMS (May 1823), SOAS/LMS MIL, Bx. I F. 5 J.A;Google ScholarIdem to Burder, Antananarivo, 16 Dec. 1825, SOAS/LMS MIL, Bx. 2 F. 2 J.C; Rowlands to Jones and Griffiths, Amparibe, 15 May 1827, SOAS/LMS MIL, Bx. 2 F. J. A;Google Scholar‘Extracts of the Minutes of the Madagascar Mission’ (4 May-8 July 1829), SOAS/LMS MI L, Bx. F. J.A;Google ScholarOliver, Madagascar, II, 82, 91;Google ScholarEllis, History of Madagascar, I, 311–13;Google ScholarChapus, G. S., ‘Quatre-vingts années d'influences européennes en Imerina (1815–1895)’, BAM ns. 8 (1925), 80.Google Scholar

31 Hastie, ‘Report on Missionary Instruction in Ovah’ (17 March 1824),Google Scholar and Idem, ‘Report on the Schools superintended by the Missionaries at Tananarive’ (19 April 1824), CO 167/78, pt. II; see also Campbell, ‘Role of the London Missionary Society’, 186;Google Scholarfor West African comparisons of the relative costs of low and high technology cloth production see Bray, J., ‘The economics of traditional cloth production in Iseyin, Nigeria’, Economic Development and Cultural Change, XVII (1969),Google Scholar and Johnson, M., ‘Technology, Competition and African Crafts’, in Dewey, C. and Hopkins, A. G. (eds.), The Imperial Impact: Studies in the Economic History of Africa and India (London, 1978).Google Scholar

32 RH, 96–7;Google ScholarRA, 297, 300 Barry to Hastie, Port Louis, 12 May 1823, CO 167/77;Google ScholarFreeman to Burder, Antananarivo, 23 Oct. 1827, SOAS/LMS MIL, Bx. 2 F.Google Scholar

33 RH, 6–7;Google ScholarJones and Griffiths to LMS, Antananarivo, 2 June 1824, SOAS/LMS MIL, Box. 2 F. I J.A;Google ScholarRowlands to Burder, Antananarivo, 17 June 1824, SOAS/LMS MIL, Bx. 2 F. I J.B;Google ScholarRowlands to LMS, Antsahadinta, 13 June 1826, SOAS/LMS MIL, Bx. 2 F. I J.A;Google ScholarJones and Griffiths to Burder, Antananarivo, 30 May 1827, SOAS/LMS MIL, Bx. 2 F. J.A.Google Scholar

34 Jones and Griffiths to LMS, Antananarivo, 2 June 1824, SOAS/LMS MIL, Bx. 2 F. I J.A.Google Scholar

35 Burder, Canhamto, Ifenoarivo, 5 Nov. 1824, SOAS/LMS MIL, Bx. 2 F. I J.D;Google Scholarsee also Campbell, ‘Role of the LMS’, 171–188.Google Scholar

36 Hastie (1815), quoted in Grandidier, , Histoire iv, V (1928), 162;Google Scholar see also Ibid, 104 Oliver, Madagascar, II, 92–3.Google Scholar

37 Duhaut-Cilly, ‘Notice sur le royaume d'Emirne’, 237.Google Scholar

38 Louis Blancard to Governor of Mauritius, in Chapus, G. S. and Mondain, G., ‘Un chapitre inconnu: des rapports de Maurice et de Madagascar’, BAM, XXX (1951–2), 117;Google Scholarsee also Duhaut-Cilly, ‘Notice’, 238–9.Google Scholar

39 Hastie, ‘Diary’ (1820);Google ScholarIdem to Barry, Antananarivo, 22 April 1824, CO 167/77; Oliver, Madagascar, II, 160;Google ScholarGrandidier, , Histoire, IV, I (1908), 371;Google ScholarBojer, , ‘Journal’, in Valette, J. (ed.), ‘L'Imerina en 1822–3825 d'après les journaux de Bojer et d'Hilsenburg’, extrait du Bulletin de Madagascar (avril–mai, 1963), 23;Google ScholarEllis, History of Madagascar, I, 117;Google ScholarCameron, James, ‘Recollections of Mission Life in Madagascar in the early days of the LMS Mission’ (Antananarivo, 20 10. 1874), 24–6.Google Scholar

40 Campbell, ‘Role of the London Missionary Society’, 1, 103–9.Google Scholar

41 Farquhar to Hastie, Mauritius, 30 April 1822, CO 267/34.Google Scholar

42 Ibid.

43 Farquhar, (1822) in A Resident, Madagascar Past and Present (London, 1847), 196, 298;Google ScholarFarquhar to Bathurst, Port Louis, 20 May 1823,Google Scholar and Darling to Bathurst, Mauritius, 16 June 1823, CO 167/66;Google Scholarfor the imperial ambitions of Radama I see Tyerman, D. and Bennet, J., Journal of Voyages and Travels, 1821–1829 (ed. Montgomery, J.), II (London, 1832), 532;Google ScholarRH, 79–95, 220;Google ScholarHastie, ‘Diary’ (1817);Google ScholarMunthe, L.et al., ‘Radama let les Anglais’, 9–204;Google ScholarDeschamps, Histoire de Madagascar, 151.Google Scholar

44 J. Ren‘Correspondance de Jean Renéa Sir R. T. Farquhar, 83;Google ScholarDecary, R., ‘Documents historiques relatifs a l'établissement franaise de Sainte-Marie sous Ia restoration’, BAM, XIII (1930), 65;Google ScholarRA, 295;Google ScholarEllis, , History of Madagascar, I, 377–8;Google ScholarIdem, Madagascar Revisited (London, 1867), 247–8; copies of correspondence between Freeman and Johns and Ranavalona I, SOAS/LMS MIL, Bx. F. J. C, and Bx. F. J. D;Google ScholarRabary, , Ny Daty Malaza, I (Tananarive, 1930), 23, 26–7;Google ScholarCallet, Histoire des Rois, III–IV, 928;Google ScholarCampbell, ‘Labour and the Transport Problem’, 341–3.Google Scholar

45 Mayeur, ‘Voyage dans le nord de Madagascar’ (1775), BL, Add. 18128, 60–3;Google ScholarIdem, ‘Voyage au pays d'ancove’ (1777), 22; Idem, ‘Réflexions sur l'établissement et l'amélioration du commerce de Madagascar’ (1800), BL, Add. 18136; Morice, ‘Mémoire sur Ia côte oriental d'Afrique’ (Isle de France, 15 juin 1777), BL, Add. 18126, 107–13;Google Scholar[Jouette], ‘Mémoire sur Madagascar’ (1 juin 1806), BL, Add. 18135;Google ScholarHugon, ‘Aperçu’ (1806), 15, 17, 22;Google ScholarGrandidier, Histoire, iV, vi (1928), 336;Google ScholarDelivré, ‘Histoire des rois, 224.Google Scholar

46 Munthe et at., ‘Radama I et les Anglais’, 56;Google ScholarLeminier, N., ‘Notes sur une excursion faite dans l'intérieur de l'île de Madagascar en 1825’, Bulletin de Madagascar, 292 (1970), 797;Google ScholarCanham to Burder, Ifenoarivo, 3 Oct. 1827, SOAS/LMS MIL, Bx. 2 F.4 J. C;Google ScholarLyall, Robert, ‘Journal’ (edit. Chapus, G. S. et Mondain, G.) in l'Académie Malgache, Collection de documents concernant Madagascar et les pays voisins, 5 (Tananarive, 1954), 11–13, 33;Google ScholarJones and Griffiths to LMS, Antananarivo, Nov. 1826, SOAS/LMS MIL, Bx. 2 F. J.D.Google Scholar

47 Campbell, ‘Role of the London Missionary Society’, 189–91, 319.Google Scholar

48 Valette, J., ‘Un plan de développement de Madagascar. Le projet Bergsten’ (1825), BAM, XLIV, ii (1966),Google ScholarRobequain, C., ‘Une capitale montagnarde en pays tropical: Tananarive’, Revue de geographie alpine, XXXVII (1949), 287.Google Scholar

49 Chapus et Mondain, ‘Un chapitre inconnu’, 118.Google Scholar

50 Mondain et Chapus, ‘Journal de Robert Lyall’, 9–11;Google ScholarCampbell, ‘Role of the London Missionary Society’, 206–12.Google Scholar

51 Lyall, ‘Journal’, 89;Google ScholarChapus et Mondain, ‘Un chapitre inconnu’, 127–8;Google ScholarRA, 327–30, 378–85, 435–6, 458–9;Google ScholarThompson, A., ‘The role of firearms and the development of military techniques in Merina warfare c. 1785–1828’, Revue française d'histoire d'outre-mer, LXI, 224 (1974), 422.Google Scholar

52 Raombana, , ‘Manuscrit écrit a Tananarive, 1853–1854’ (trans. Radley, J.), BAM, XIII (1930), 10–11;Google ScholarGrandidier, , Histoire, iv, IV (1928), III, 17–8, 136, 297–9.Google Scholar

53 Tentor de Ravis, ‘Projet de système de conquête, colonisation et civilisation de l'âile de Madagascar’, St Denis, i aoûit 1852, AHH, Carton dossier 11e;Google ScholarRobequain, ‘Une capitale montagnarde’, 288;Google ScholarGrandidier, , Histoire, IV, iv (1928), 70, 228.Google Scholar

54 Canham to Burder, Ifenoarivo, 13 Dec. 1825, SOAS/LMS MIL, Bx. 2 F. 2 J.C:Google ScholarGriffiths, , Hanes Madagascar (Machynlleth, 1843), 38;Google ScholarOliver, Madagascar, 11, 84–5;Google ScholarGrandidier, , Histoire, iv, IV (1928), 133–4.Google Scholar

55 Chick to Burder, Antananarivo, 16 Dec. 1825, SOAS/LMS MIL, Bx. 2 F. 2 J.C;Google ScholarIbid, 6 June 1826, SOAS/LMS MIL, Bx. 2 F. J.A; Mondain et Chapus, ‘Journal de Robert Lyall’, 171;Google ScholarCallet, , Histoire, v (Antananarivo, 1978), 1062–1063; 1066Google ScholarChapus, , ‘Quatre-vingts années dinfluence europáennes en Imerina, 1815–1895’, BAM, viii (1925), 201–2;Google ScholarEllis, Three Visits, 262–3;Google ScholarOliver, Madagascar, 11, 91.Google Scholar

56 Robin to Missionaries, 24 Jan.– 14 Feb. 1827;Google ScholarRowlands to Jones and Griffiths, Amparibe, 15 May 1827;Google ScholarCummins to Jones and Griffiths, Amparibe, 17 May 1827;Google ScholarCameron to J. & G. Brighton, 19 may 1827;Google ScholarJones and Grifliths to Burder, Antananarivo, 30 May 1827;Google ScholarCameron to Arundel, 1 May 1827, SOAS/LMS MIL Bx. 2 F. J.A.Google Scholar

57 Campbell, ‘Role of the London Missionary Society’, 206–7, 259–62.Google Scholar

58 Chapus et Mondain, ‘Un chapitre inconnu’, 119–20, 522–4.Google Scholar