¹ David Anderson, Mark Auslander, William Beinart, Jim Giblin, Patrick Harries, Shepard Krech III, Stuart Marks, Joseph Miller, Henrietta Moore, Debra Spitulnik, Edward Steinhart and Megan Vaughan slashed and burned their way through unruly drafts, and seminars at the School of Oriental and African Studies, Northwestern University, the University of the Western Cape and the University of the Witwatersrand provided close and critical readings. The research on which this essay is based was funded by the American Philosophical Society, the National Endowment for the Humanities, the Wellcome Trust and the University of Minnesota.

² Worboys, Michael, ‘Science and British colonial imperialism, 1895–1940’ (Ph.D. thesis, Sussex University, 1979), ch. 2Google ScholarMacKenzie, John M., ‘Experts and amateurs: tsetse, nagana, and sleeping sickness in East and Central Africa’, in Mackenzie, J. (ed.), Imperialism and the Natural World (Manchester, 1990), 187–212Google Scholar; Lyons, Maryinez, The Colonial Disease: A Social History of Sleeping Sickness in Northern Zaire, 1900–1940 (Cambridge, 1992).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³ Waller, Richard, ‘Tsetse fly in Western Narok, Kenya’, J. Afr. Hist., xxxi (1990), 71–90Google Scholar, has argued that most recent studies of tsetse use the fly as a trope with which to study the progressive ecological decline of Africa.

⁴ See, for example, Foster, Stephen William, The Past is Another Country: Re presentation, Historical Consciousness, and Resistance in the Blue Ridge (Berkeley, 1988).Google Scholar

⁵ On the Luapula, by the late 1940s at least, ilyashi meant historical knowledge; see Cunnison, Ian, History on the Luapula: An Essay on the Historical Notions of a Central African Tribe (Oxford, 1951) (Rhodes Livingstone Papers, 21), 3–4.Google Scholar Migrants to the Copperbelt from the Plateau may have well understood both meanings of the word.

⁶ I take these points from two diverse studies of American culture, Fine, Gary Alan, Manufacturing Tales: Sex and Money in Contemporary Legends (Knoxville, 1992), 83, 174–5Google Scholar, and Burnham, John C., How Superstition Won and Science Lost: Popularizing Science and Health in the United States (New Brunswick NJ, 1987).Google Scholar

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⁸ ‘Banyama – Copper Belt myth terrifies the foolish’, Mutende, XXXVIII (1936)Google Scholar, NAZ/SEC2/429: Native Affairs: Banyama; for published accounts, see Musambachime, Mwelwa C., ‘The impact of rumor: the case of banyama (vampire-men) in Northern Rhodesia, 1930–64’, Int. J. Afr. Hist. Studies, xxi (1988), 205–9Google Scholar; White, Luise, ‘Vampire priests of Central Africa: African debates about labor and religion in colonial Northern Zambia’, Comp. Studies Soc. and Hist., xxxv (1993), 744–70.Google Scholar

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¹¹ I make this point at greater length in ‘Cars out of place: vampires, technology and labor in Eastern Africa’, Representations, XLIII (1993), 27–50.Google Scholar

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¹⁴ ‘As far as David Bruce is concerned – in his first 24 hours in Uganda he was shown a case of trypanosome fever and saw slides of the parasite and was handed a collection of biting flies amongst which he recognized a tsetse fly.… Rarely can the investigator of the cause of an obscure disease be handed quite so much immediately relevant information in so short a time … and one does not have to be a microbiologist or a genius, or even a Fellow of the Royal Society to realize that here were immediate leads …’; Davies, J. N. P. ‘Informed speculation on the cause of sleeping sickness, 1898–1903’, Medical History, XII (1968), 200–4.CrossRefGoogle Scholar See also Lyons, , Colonial Disease, 64–101Google Scholar; Davies, J. N. P., ‘The cause of sleeping sickness: Entebbe 1902–03’, Parts 1 and 2, East African Medical Journal, xxix (1961), 81–99, 145–60Google Scholar; Ransford, Oliver, ‘Bid the Sickness Cease’: Disease in the History of Black Africa (London, 1983), 109–32.Google Scholar

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³⁰ Report, Interdepartmental Committee on Sleeping Sickness, Cd. 7349 (London, 1914), 11. Only in 1953 was the fly re-insectized; Edward A. Lewis, Director of the East African Tsetse and Trypanosomiasis Research and Reclamation Organization, likened sleeping sickness in East Africa to malaria in medieval England, noting that tsetse were only dangerous because of ‘the diseases they carry.… The object must be to rid the country of trypanosomiasis … not rid Africa of tsetse fly’; Edward Aneurin Lewis Papers, ‘The objects of EATTRRO’, 1953, WCCA/WTI/EAL/16.

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⁵⁷ J. Moffat Thompson, Ag. DC Abercorn, 27 June 1923, Destruction of Native Crops by Elephants. Arming Africans was apparently out of the question, since there were not enough working guns for the twenty or thirty affected villages, and there was always the risk that Africans would only wound elephants which would then go to other gardens, NC, Luwingu to DC Kasama, 14 April 1924, NAZ/RC/959, Protection of Crops from Elephants.

⁵⁸ Carr, Norman, The White Impala: The Story of a Game Ranger (London, 1969), 20.Google Scholar

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⁶⁶ My argument here follows James Giblin's use of Ford's arguments about acquired immunity to trypanosomiasis. Africans used bush fires to create wooded areas in which game and tsetse thrived; areas were cleared for hoe cultivation by late burning, the fierceness of which destroyed shade. Africans and cattle developed and maintained immunological resistance to trypanosomiasis through periodic forays into the tsetse-infested woodland, while farms and homestead remained free of tsetse flies. Giblin, James L., The Politics of Environmental Control in Northeastern Tanzania, 1840–1940 (Philadelphia, 1992), 29–34.Google Scholar

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⁷³ Major R. B. Kingston to Ag. Chief Secretary, Northern Rhodesia, 18 June 1930; Ag. Chief Secretary to Lord Passfield, CO, 21 July 1930; Major Kingston, SPFE, ‘Report on a mission to East Africa for the purpose of investigating the most suitable methods of ensuring the preservation of its indigenous fauna’, Dec. 1930; D. Willis, PC Kasama to Chief Sec. Livingstone, 7 March 1931; PC's Office, Abercorn, ‘Memorandum on Kingston Report’, 24 March 1931, NAZ/SEC1/996, Reports on Elephant Control, 1930–1.

⁷⁴ Pitman, , Report, iii, 61–5, 85Google Scholar; Secretary for Native Affairs, Lusaka, Minute, 16 March 1935, NAZ/SEC1/1008. I am grateful to Stuart Marks for this reference.

⁷⁵ While I do not want to force an African category – a specific occupation whose job it is to capture Africans and take their blood – into a more general western one, I do want to use a term that suggests the involvement of popular culture in blood accusations. My use of ‘vampire’ does not replace a Central African Bantu word for ‘blood drinker’ or ‘blood taker’; it is a generalization that I use to elaborate on the word banyama. It should be remembered that even the most literary of vampires were East and Central European men – a group against which blood accusations had long been levelled. Vampire stories in their modern form are in fact stories about racial differences, as well: vampires were not simply undead humans but a separate race that fed and reproduced differently from humans; see Stevenson, John Allen, ‘A vampire in the mirror: the sexuality of Dracula’, Proceedings of the Modern Language Association, CIII (1988), 139–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Arata, Stephen D., ‘The occidental tourist: Dracula and the anxiety of reverse colonization’, Victorian Studies, xxxiii (1990), 621–45.Google Scholar

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⁷⁷ Willis, D., PCNP, Kasama, ‘Report on Banyama’, 24 03 1931, NAZ/ZA1/9/62/2/1Google Scholar; see also Gann, L. H., A History of Northern Rhodesia: Early Days to 1953 (London, 1964), 231.Google Scholar The incision behind the ear probably refers to the extraction of lymphatic fluid, while the blood and brain is a European gloss for a much richer Bemba term, umlopa, meaning all life-giving fluids, blood, semen and vaginal fluids; see Hinfelaar, , ‘Religious change’, 8.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Willis, , ‘Report on banyama’, 1931, NAZ/ZA1/9/62/2/1.Google Scholar In Luwingu, it was said that banyama were sent by Europeans working in the Belgian Congo; see Hillier, S., DC Luwingu, tour 11–25 02 1931Google Scholar, Awemba Tour Reports, 1931, NAZ/ZA7/4/19.

⁷⁹ Willis, , ‘Report on banyama’, 1931.Google Scholar According to Richards, horns were a generic term for charms; see Richards, Audrey I., ‘Movement of witchfinders’, 448–51.Google Scholar Some of the wanderings of banyama and vulnerability of banyama victims may have alluded to menstruation and menarche, which Bemba often describe as ukutaba (‘to be moved away from daily life’), ukuya ku mpepo (‘to go to the coldness of the forest’) and ukuba mu butanda (‘to live outside the village’); see Hinfelaar, , ‘Religious change’, 4–5.Google Scholar

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⁸¹ Nash, , Without Bars, 22Google Scholar; McKelvey, , Man Against, 174.Google Scholar It is unlikely that Abdullah took blood smears from dead bodies, since trypanosomiasis advanced enough to cause death would not have been found in the blood, but in the lymphatic tissues.

⁸² Farge, Arlette and Revel, Jacques, The Vanishing Children of Paris: Rumor and Politics before the French Revolution, trans. Mieville, Claudia (Cambridge, 1991)Google Scholar; White, , ‘Cars out of place’, 38–41Google Scholar, and ‘Vampire priests’.

⁸³ E. E. Hutchins, DO Morogoro, ‘Mumiani’ or ‘Chinjachinja’, TNA Film No. MF 15, Morogoro District, v. 1, Sheets 25–6, Aug. 1931, but inserted in file marked 1938. I am grateful to Thaddeus Sunseri for this reference.

⁸⁴ Fr. H. de Vries Morogoro, , ‘Superstition in Africa’, Holy Ghost Messenger, xxxii (1936), 67–9.Google Scholar I am grateful to Peter Pels for these notes.

⁸⁵ Anthony, David, ‘Culture and society in a town in transition: a people's history of Dar es Salaam, 1865–1939’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Wisconsin – Madison, 1983), 141–3.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Williams, A. T. to Ag. Chief Secretary for Agriculture, Livingstone, 4 08 1932Google Scholar; Director, Animal Health, Livingstone, to Chief Secretary, Livingstone, 6 Oct. 1931, NAZ/SEC3/525 v. 1, Tsetse Fly Control 1926–36.

⁸⁷ PCNP to Chief Secretary, Lusaka, 25 June 1935, NAZ/SEC3/525, v. 1, Tsetse Fly Control 1926–36.

⁸⁸ Minutes, Abercorn Planters Association, 13 Oct. 1932, NAZ/SEC3/525, v. 1, Tsetse Fly Control 1932–6.

⁸⁹ Abercorn District AR, 1935–37, NAZ/SEC2/1303; Minutes, Abercorn Coffee Growers Association, 7 Jan. 1935, and meetings of PCNP and ACGA deputation, 25 Jan. 1935, NAZ/SEC3/525, v. 1, Tsetse Fly Control, 1932–6.

⁹⁰ C. F. M. Swynnerton, Director, Dept of Tsetse Research, Tanganyika Territory, ‘A late dry season investigation of the tsetse problem in the north of the Abercorn District’, 29 Oct. 1935, NAZ/SEC3/525, v. 1. Swynnerton published a summary of these ideas in ‘How forestry may assist towards the control of the tsetse flies’, in Troup, R. S. (ed.), Colonial Forest Administration (Oxford, 1940), 339–42.Google Scholar

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⁹² Allan, , African Husbandman, 133.Google Scholar Mambwe hoed gardens tended to support greater population densities than citemene, a fact officials rarely acknowledged in their figures; Moore, and Vaughan, , Cutting Down Trees, 44–5.Google Scholar

⁹³ S. R. Downing, PC Abercorn, tour report no. 1, 1939, NAZ/SEC2/820, Abercorn Tour Reports 1933–9.

⁹⁴ Indeed, in the early 19405 cattle were seen to graze on the fallow gardens near Abercorn during the dry season, see Trapnell, , Vegetation and Agriculture, 41.Google Scholar

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⁹⁹ Allan, William, Department of Agriculture, Mazabuka, to Chief Secretary, Lusaka, 14 12 1935, NAZ/SEC3/525, v. 1.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Minutes, Abercorn Planters Association, 10 Jan. 1936, NAZ/HM61/2/1, Abercorn Planters Association; A. F. B. Glennie, DC Abercorn to PC Kasama, 4 Feb. 1936; Director Medical Services, Lusaka, to Chief Secretary, Lusaka, 11 Feb. 1936; PCNP, Kasama, to Chief Secretary, Lusaka, 13 Feb. 1936, NAZ/SEC3/525, v. 1.

¹⁰¹ A. Scott, MO Abercorn to DMS, Lusaka, 30 March 1936, re: trypanosomas in Abercorn District; DC Abercorn to PCNP Kasama, 14 April 1936, NAZ/SEC3/523, v. 1, Sleeping Sickness in Northern Rhodesia, 1929–39.

¹⁰² B. D. Burtt, Report to DC Abercorn, 4 May 1936, NAZ/SEC3/523, v. 1.

¹⁰³ C. R. B. Draper, Supervisor in Tsetse Control, Abercorn, to DO, Abercorn, 9 Dec. 1936; A.F.B. Glennie, DC Abercorn to PCNP, Kasama, Tsetse Fly Measures in Abercorn, 2 June 1936, NAZ/SEC3/526, v. 2, Tsetse Fly Control, Abercorn.

¹⁰⁴ C. R. B. Draper, Supervisor in Tsetse Control, Abercorn, to DO, Abercorn, 12 Nov. 1936, NAZ/SEC3/526, v. 2, Tsetse Fly Control, Abercorn.

¹⁰⁵ See NAZ/SEC3/525, v. 3, Tsetse Fly Control, 1936–8. By June 1937 fly pickets were posted to the west of Kasama town; R. B. S. Smith, MO Kasama to Director Medical Services, Lusaka, 29 June 1937, NAZ/SEC3/527 v. 3, Trypanosomiasis: Tsetse Fly Control.

¹⁰⁶ NPAR, Native Affairs, 1937, NAZ/SEC2/1297; Abercorn Annual Report 1935–7, NAZ/SEC2/1303.

¹⁰⁷ A. F. B. Glennie, DC Abercorn to PCNP, Kasama, 3 Dec. 1937, Native Customs, etc., ‘Report on vampires at Kasama’, 1937–8, NAZ/SEC2/1240; see also NPAR, Native Affairs, 1937.

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¹¹⁰ G. Kennedy Jenkins, cadet, tour report 6, 1938, NAZ/SEC2/837, Mpika Tour Reports 1938–40, extracted in NAZ/SEC2/429, Native Affairs: Banyama.

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¹¹² A visiting parasitologist, whose research included taking blood and skin samples, was forbidden to go to ‘any area of northern province for some considerable time to come’; G. Howe, PCNP, Kasama, to Chief Secretary, Lusaka, 27 March 1944, NAZ/SEC2/429, Native Affairs: Banyama.

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