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¹⁴ From 1795 to 1811, East African ports provided 3 per cent of Rio de Janeiro's slaves. By 1825–30, this figure had risen to 25 per cent. Herbert Klein, S., The Middle Passage (Princeton, 1978), 55, 75CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Isaacman, A., Mozambique: The Africanization of a European Institution: the Zambezi Prazos (Madison, 1972), 90–2Google Scholar; Curtin, P. D., The Atlantic Slave Trade (Madison, 1969), 267.Google Scholar

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¹⁶ Public Record Office, London (P.R.O.)/ADM 1 /2269, Owen to Admiralty, 8 March 1824. For similar reports from other parts of Africa, see Allan, and Fisher, Humphrey, Slavery and Muslim Society in Africa (London, 1970), 77Google Scholar.

¹⁷ P.R.O./ADM 1/2269, Owen to Admiralty, 8 March 1824 and 19 June 1824, Owen to Admiralty, 9 October 1823; FO. 97/303, Owen to Governor General of Mozambique, 10 May 1825; Owen, W., Narrative of Voyages to Explore the Eastern Coast of Africa, Arabia and Madagascar (London, 1833), 1, 270Google Scholar; Boteler, Thomas, Narrative of a Voyage of Discovery to Africa and Arabia (London, 1835), 11, 301.Google Scholar

¹⁸ P.R.O./ADM 1/2269, Owen to Admiralty, 9 October 1823; Boteler, Narrative of a Voyage, 249. Slaves sold for Spanish $150 to $200 in Rio. I estimate one Spanish dollar to have been worth about 5 sterling shillings in the 1820s. In Quelimane, they sold for Spanish $20 to $30 and in the interior for one-sixth of that price.

¹⁹ Vatua is the ‘lusitanianization’ of the word Bá-tuá or Bá-tsuá which was used by the peoples living on the coast to the north of Zululand to refer to the San and Nguni whose languages contain clicks. Bryant, A. T., Olden Times in Zululand and Natal (London, 1929), 448–9Google Scholar; Junod, H. A., The Life of a South African Tribe (London, 1927), 1, 18.Google Scholar For the ethnographic problem, see Montez, C., ‘As Raças indigenas de Moçambique’, Moçambique, no. 23 (1940), 65.Google Scholar

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²¹ On Nguni movements in Southern Mozambique, see Liesegang, Gerhard, ‘Ngoni Migrations between Delagoa Bay and the Zambezi 1821–1839’, African Historical Studies iii, iii (1970)Google Scholar and ‘Dingane's attack on Lourenço Marques in 1833‘, J. Afr. Hist, x, iv (1969)Google Scholar. I have found only one reference to Zulu participation in slave practices at Delagoa Bay and that refers to the ransoming of captives: see Alvaro Caetano to Commander HMS Pelican, 16 January 1836, in Shiffner MS no. 3216, East Sussex Record Office.

²² In Mauritius, the ‘Mozambiquer’ community in 1828 consisted of 15,444 males and 3,713 females. A similarly disproportionate ratio of male to female slaves is to be found in vessels passing the Cape. Parliamentary Papers: Slave Trade, vol. 76 (1828–9), Report of Commission of Inquiry upon the slave trade at Mauritius, 12 March 1828, p. 26. Cape Archives, G.H. 28/1. Enclosure to Dispatch 45, Court of Commissioner 24 April 1808; G.H. 23/5, Somerset to Bathurst, 21 May 1818.

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²⁶ FO 97/303, Acland to GLM, 29 March 1828 in Admiralty to FO, 16 July 1828; Pinto and Juerra to GGM, 30 August 1831 and Manifesto of ‘Fler de Inhambane’, 27 June 1832, in Documentação, iii (Lisbon, 1974), 14, 672Google Scholar; Boteler, , Narrative of a Voyage, 1, 323.Google Scholar

²⁷ P.R.O./ADM 1/5547, Commander Peel to Percy, 18 April 1845, in Percy to Adm. 21 April 1845; FO 63/698, Pauker to Palmerston, 18 February 1848; Documentação, iii, 220, GLM to GGM, 5 June 1831; Documentação, 11, 561–3, Antonio Lamengo Cabral to GGM, 26 July 1830; José Capela, , As Burguesias Portuguesas e a Abolição do Tráfico da Escravatura, 1810–1842 (Oporto, 1979), 161.Google Scholar

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²⁹ For the effectiveness of the anti-slavery squadron and of international action aimed at ending the slave trade, see E. Philip Leveen, ‘A quantitative analysis of the impact of British Suppression policies in the volume of the Nineteenth Century Atlantic Slave Trade’, in Engermann, S. L. and Genovese, E. D., Race and Slavery in the Western Hemisphere: Quantitative Studies (Princeton, 1975)Google Scholar; Vail, Leroy and White, L., Capitalism and Colonialism in Mozambique: A Study of Quelimane District (London, 1980)Google Scholar, Ch. 1; Curtin, , Atlantic Slave Trade, 269Google Scholar; Bethell, L., The Abolition of the Brazilian Slave Trade (Cambridge, 1970)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lloyd, C., The Navy and the Slave Trade (London, 1949), 190–248Google Scholar; Beachey, R. W., The Slave Trade of Eastern Africa (London, 1976)Google Scholar; Capelo, As Burguesias.

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³¹ Barnard, F. L., A Three Years' Cruise in the Mozambique Channel (London, 1848), 164, 223–4, 254, 270Google Scholar; FO 312/13, Mixed Commission, Cape Town (MC) to Aberdeen, 28 April 1845.

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³⁵ Natal Archives SNA. 1/1/26, R1187, Dubois Report, 8 June 1873.

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⁶⁹ Junod, , Life, 1, 283Google Scholar; Liengme, , ‘Un Potentat’, 126Google Scholar; de Sa Nogueira, R., Dicionàrio Ronga-Português (Lisbon, 1960).Google Scholar

⁷⁰ ABM: ABC 15.4, vol. 12, Richards to Smith, 21 May 1885.

⁷¹ Jeannert, P., ‘Les Ma-Khoca’, BSNG viii (1894), 126–7Google Scholar; Richards, , Missionary Herald (1885), 358Google Scholar. See also Junod, , Life, 1, 283, 471.Google Scholar

⁷² Isaacman, A., ‘The origin, formation and early history of the Chikunda of South Central Africa’, J. Afr. Hist, xiii, iii (1972)Google Scholar; A. and B. Isaacman, ‘Slavery and Social Stratification among the Sena of Mozambique’, in Miers and Kopytoff, Slavery in Africa; Newitt, , Portugese Settlement on the Zambesi, 146, 187–203.Google Scholar

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⁷⁴ BO 23, 7 June 1862, p. 13; BO 44, 5 December 1862.

⁷⁵ FO 312/14 encl. 3 in MC to Clarendon, 3 December 1885; ‘The hunting journal of Robert Briggs in Zululand and Tongaland, 1852–1856’ (Stratham MS, private owner), p. 166; Webb, and Wright, , James Stuart, 1, 150Google Scholar (evidence of Giba); Merensky, A., ‘Nachricht’, Berliner Missionsberichte (1860), 267–8Google Scholar. A. Merensky, ‘Tagebuch der Reise’, ibid. (1861), 172; Bryant, , Olden Times in Zululand and Natal, 329–30Google Scholar. On Swazi slavery see especially Bonner, Philip, ‘The rise, consolidation and disintegration of Dlamini power in Swaziland between 1820 and 1889’ (Ph.D. thesis, London University, 1978), 152–8, 174–7Google Scholar. See also interviews with Maswanganyi and Njaganjaga. Tapes housed in history department of University of Cape Town. See also Postscript, p. 329 below.

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⁷⁸ Kuper, Hilda, An African Aristocracy (London, 1947), 67–8Google Scholar; Bryant, , Zulu People, 444, 546, 553, 557, 576–7, 604.Google Scholar

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⁸¹ Ibid, (evidence of Undawo of Sobana), 187.

⁸² NA/SNA 1/1/25, no. 54: returns of Zulus entering and leaving the colony; see also SNA 1/1/38, 208/80, SNA 1/1/41, 615/50, SNA 1/1/48, 480/81; Gibson, J. V., The Story of the Zulus (London, 1911), 222–3.Google Scholar

⁸³ NA/CSO 787. 3373/80 Br. Res. to High Commissioner, 10 November 1880, encl. in SNA to Lt. Gov., 21 September 1880.

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⁸⁵ Interview with Muhlavaze Makwakwa, Manjacaze. My thanks to Gerhard Liesegang for access to this transcript. Fuller, C. E., ‘Ethnohistoric study’, 101–2.Google ScholarPostscript. With reference to n. 75 (p. 326 above), it is of interest that the account book of an Indo-Portuguese trader working between Lourenco Marques and the Zoutpansberg shows a sudden influx of seventeen slaves in 1863. This would coincide with the Swazi raids on the Delagoa Bay hinterland. A male child (‘Boy pequeno’) sold for between £10 and £30 and an adult male (‘Boy’) for up to £60. (Account book of Manuel da Gama, private MS; Junod, , Life, 1, 150).Google Scholar