Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-r5fsc Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-29T00:24:48.509Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Slave-Raiders and Middlemen, Monopolists and Free-Traders: the supply of slaves for the Atlantic trade in Dahomey c. 1715–1850

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 January 2009

Robin Law
Affiliation:
University of Stirling

Extract

This article, which extends and modifies the analysis offered in an earlier article in this journal (1977), examines what is known of the organization of the supply of slaves for the trans-Atlantic trade in Dahomey, with particular emphasis on the relative importance of local slave-raiding and the purchase of slaves from the interior, and on the evolution of a group of private merchants within Dahomey. It is argued that initially the kings of Dahomey sought to operate the slave trade as a royal monopoly, and relied exclusively upon slave-raiding rather than purchasing slaves from the interior. From the mid-eighteenth century, however, Dahomey did seek to operate as a ‘ middleman’ in the supply of slaves from the interior, and since its kings did not normally attempt to control this aspect of the trade this involved the emergence of a private sector in the slave trade. Although merchants in Dahomey were in origin state officials, licensed to trade on behalf of the king or ‘caboceers’ (chiefs), they subsequently acquired the right to trade on their own account also and thus became in some measure independent of the state structure. The autonomy and wealth of the merchant community in Dahomey were further enhanced by the transition from slave to palm oil exports in the nineteenth century, when leading merchants moved into large-scale oil production, using slave labour supplied by the king. There were recurrent tensions between the monarchy and the merchants over commercial policy and over the monarchy's expropriatory fiscal practices, and the conflict of interests between the two was exacerbated by the development of the oil trade, undermining the solidarity of Dahomey in the face of the European imperialism of the late nineteenth century.

Type
The Atlantic Slave Trade: Scale, Structure and Supply
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1989

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 See Curtin, Philip D., The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census (Madison, 1969)Google Scholar; revised in the light of more recent work by Lovejoy, Paul E., ‘The volume of the Atlantic slave trade: a synthesis’,J. Afr. Hist., XXIII, iv (1982), 473501.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

2 Cf. Lovejoy, Paul E., Transformations in Slavery: A History of Slavery in Africa (Cambridge, 1983), 6687.Google Scholar

3 Cf. Hopkins, A. G., An Economic History of West Africa (London, 1973), 104–6Google Scholar; Lovejoy, , Transformations in Slavery, 95101.Google Scholar

4 Meillassoux, Claude, ‘Introduction’, in Meillassoux, (ed.), The Development of Indigenous Trade and Marketing in West Africa (London, 1971), 55.Google Scholar

5 See Manning, Patrick, ‘The slave trade in the Bight of Benin, 1640–1890’, in Gemery, Henry A. and Hogendorn, Jan S. (eds.), The Uncommon Market: Essays in the Economic History of the Atlantic Slave Trade (New York, 1979), 107141.Google Scholar

6 Cf. Law, Robin, ‘Dahomey and the slave trade: reflections on the historiography of the rise of Dahomey’, J. Afr. Hist., XXVII, ii (1986), 237–67.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

7 Bosnian, William, A New & Accurate Description of the Coast of Guinea (London, 1705; reprinted 1967), 364.Google Scholar

8 Minutes of the Committee of the African Association, 2 Aug, 1804, in Hallett, Robin (ed.), Records of the African Association 1788–1831 (London, 1964), 194.Google Scholar

9 For the history of Oyo, including its participation in the Atlantic slave trade, see further Law, Robin, The Oyo Empire c. 1600–c. 1836 (Oxford, 1977).Google Scholar

10 Polanyi, Karl, Dahomey and the Slave Trade (Seattle, 1966).Google Scholar

11 Akinjogbin, I. A., Dahomey and its Neighbours 1708–1818 (Cambridge, 1967).Google Scholar

12 The term ‘caboceer’ (French ‘cabecaire’), from Portuguese cabeceiro (‘head man’), was commonly applied in pre-colonial Dahomey (and elsewhere on the West African coast) to high-ranking officials and dignitaries; it is used in this article in preference to alternatives such as ‘chiefs’, ‘nobles’, ‘officials’, because it was a naturalized if not a strictly local term, and because the alternatives all carry connotations which may be inappropriate to the case of Dahomey.

13 Coquery-Vidrovitch, Catherine, ‘De la traite des esclaves à l'exportation de l'huile de palme et des palmistes au Dahomey au XIXe siècle’, in Meillassoux, , The Development of Indigenous Trade and Markets in West Africa, 107–23Google Scholar; Law, Robin, ‘Royal monopoly and private enterprise in the Atlantic trade: the case of Dahomey’, J. Afr. Hist., XVIII, iv (1977). 555–77CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Peukert, Werner, Die Atlantische Sklavenhandel von Dahomey 1740–1797 (Wiesbaden, 1978).Google Scholar

14 Ross, David, ‘The Dahomean middleman system, 1727–C.1818’, J. Afr. Hist., XXVIII, iii (1987), 357–75.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

15 For the former view, see, e.g. Ross, Ibid. 359, 374; for the latter, cf. Davidson, Basil, Black Mother: Africa and the Atlantic Slave Trade (second ed., reprinted, Harmonds-worth, 1980), 244–5.Google Scholar

16 Archives Nationales, Paris [hereafter, AN]: 0.6/25, Du Colombier, Juda [= Whydah], 17 April 1715; Akinjogbin, , Dahomey and its Neighbours, 63, n. 5.Google Scholar

17 AN: B.1/9, f.125, Bouchel, Juda, 30 Jan. 1716; B.1/19, f.2v, Bouchel, Juda, 22 June 1716.

18 Public Record Office, London [hereafter, PRO]: C. 113/276, f.59v, William Baillie, Whydah, 18 Jan. 1718.

19 ‘Journal du Voyage du Chevalier des Marchais’ (ms. of c. 1726/8, in Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris: Fonds français, ms. 24223), f. 129v. The identity of the ‘Aquerates’ (or ‘Aqueras’) is unfortunately uncertain, but a possible identification is with the Kuare (or Kabre), north-west of Dahomey.

20 Ibid. f. 59.

21 Snelgrave, William, A New Account of Some Parts of Guinea and the Slave Trade (London, 1734; reprinted 1971), 36–9Google Scholar; cf., for the nineteenth century, Le Hérissé, A., L'Ancien Royaume du Dahomey (Paris, 1911), 52.Google Scholar

22 In the nineteenth century, it was more usual for commoners to acquire slaves by purchase from the interior than in gifts from the king; cf. Le Hérisse, Ibid. 53.

23 Ibid. 56, 291.

24 Snelgrave, , New Account, 106–7.Google Scholar

25 De Chenevert et Abbé Bullet,‘Réflexions sur Juda’ (ms. of 1 June 1776, in Archives d'Outre-Mer, Aix-en-Provence: Dépôt des Fortifications des Colonies, Côtes d'Afrique, ms. 104), 15. In the nineteenth century, it appears that royal permission was required only for the sale of a slave received in gift from the king, but that slaves purchased from abroad could be re-sold without restriction: Hérissé, Le, L'Ancien Royaume du Dahomey, 52, 54.Google Scholar

26 Francisco Pereyra Mendes, Ajuda [Whydah], 4 April 1727, in Verger, Pierre, Flux et reflux de la traite des nègres entre le Golfe de Bénin et Bahia de Todos os Santos due XVIIe au XIXe siécle (Paris, 1968), 145Google Scholar; cf. also Snelgrave, , New Account, 56.Google Scholar

27 Bullfinch Lamb, Abomey [the capital of Dahomey], 27 Nov. 1724, in Smith, Williams, A New Voyage to Guinea (London, 1744; reprinted 1967), 174.Google Scholar

28 Cf. Akinjogbin, , Dahomey and its Neighbours, 79, 103.Google Scholar

29 Snelgrave, , New Account, 73, 66Google Scholarbis [recte = 82], 70 bis [recte = 86].

30 AN: C.6/25, Levet, Juda, 26 Aug. 1733, lettre de commerce.

31 AN: C.6/25, Levet, Juda, 26 Aug. 1733, lettre de nouvelles; idem, same date, lettre de commerce; Akinjogbin, , Dahomey and its Neighbours, 103.Google Scholar The offence in the latter case, however, may have been specifically the purchase of gold rather than the sale of the slave: it was noted later in the 1730s that the king of Dahomey not only refused to sell gold himself, but also ‘forbids on pain of Death, any of his Subjects to Trade with it’ (PRO: T.70/1470, ‘Description of the Castles, Forts & Settlements belonging to the Royal African Company’ [1737], 53).Google Scholar

32 Ross, , ‘The Dahomean middleman system’, 359–60, 374.Google Scholar

33 Snelgrave, , New Account, 125Google Scholar; cf. also Snelgrave's description of the Dahomians as ‘using no Trade but that of War’, Ibid. 130.

34 Ibid, 89, 130; cf. also Ibid. 136.

35 Viceroy of Brazil, 29 April 1730 and 10 July 1730, in Verger, , Flux et reflux de la traite des négres, 149–50.Google Scholar

36 Snelgrave, , New Account, 136.Google Scholar

37 Akinjogbin, , Dahomey and its Neighbours, 7780.Google Scholar

38 AN: C.6/25, Levet, Juda, 1 Feb. 1746. The reference here to the Migan may be a confusion, since a later source states that Dahomian traders came under the authority of the Mehu alone: Chenevert, De et Bullet, , ‘Reflexions sur Juda’, 8.Google Scholar

39 AN. C.6/25, Pruneau, et Guestard, , ‘Mémoire pour servir à l'intelligence due commerce de Juda’, 18 03 1750.Google Scholar

40 Akinjogbin, , Dahomey and its Neighbours, 127.Google Scholar

41 AN: C.6/25, Levet, Juda, 1 Feb. 1746.

42 Cf. Akinjogbin, , Dahomey and its Neighbours, 127–8, 145.Google Scholar

43 PRO: T.70/704, Sundry Accounts, William's Fort, Whydah, 1 Jan.–30 April 1746, in Cape Coast Journal, Nov.-Dec. 1746; T.70/423, Sundry Accounts, William's Fort, Whydah, 1 Jan.–30 April 1747, in Cape Coast Journal, Nov.–Dec. 1747; T.70/424A, Sundry Accounts, William's Fort, Whydah, 1 Jan.–30 June 1748, in Cape Coast Journal, Sept.-Oct. 1748; Akinjogbin, , Dahomey and its Neighbours, 128.Google Scholar

44 PRO: T.70/1160, Day Book, William's Fort, Whydah, 23 Nov. 1769; Akinjogbin, , Dahomey and its Neighbours, 152.Google Scholar

45 AN: C.6/25, Pruneau, et Guestard, , ‘Mémoire pour servir à ['intelligence du commerce de Juda’, 18 03 1750.Google Scholar

46 PRO: T.70/1523, W. Devaynes, Whydah, 22 Oct. 1754, quoted in T. Melvil, Cape Coast Castle, 30 Nov. 1754.

47 Chenevert, De et Bullet, , ‘Réflexions sur Juda’, 3, 5.Google Scholar

48 Norris, Robert, Memoirs of the Reign of Bossa Ahadee, King of Dahomy (London, 1789; reprinted 1968), 138.Google Scholar

49 Ibid. 18–19. Local tradition in the Mahi area recalls this war (though attributing it incorrectly to Tegbesu's successor Kpengla [1774–89]), and indicates that it was the ruler of Savalu whom the Dahomians attempted to make ‘king of all the Mahis’: Bergé, J. A. M. A. R., ‘Etude sur le Pays Mahi’, Bull. du Comitéé; d'Etudes Historiques de I'A.O.F., XI (1928), 746.Google Scholar

50 Norris, , Memoirs of the Reign of Bossa Ahadee, 138.Google Scholar

51 Chenevert, De et Bullet, , ‘Réflexions sur Juda’, 42.Google Scholar

52 Dalzel, Archibald, The History of Dahomy (London, 1793; reprinted 1967), 213.Google Scholar

53 de Pommegorge, Pruneau, Description de la Nigritie (Amsterdam, 1789), 208–9.Google Scholar

54 Chenevert, De et Bullet, , ‘Réflexions sur Juda’, 3.Google Scholar

55 Ibid. 3–4; cf. AN: C.6/26, Ollivier de Montaguère, Juda, 6 Oct. 1777; Norris, , Memoirs of the Reign of Bossa Ahadee, 1011.Google Scholar

56 Chenevert, De et Bullet, , ‘Réflexions sur Juda’, 5Google Scholar; cf. Akinjogbin, , Dahomey and its Neighbours, 154.Google Scholar

57 Some discussion of the tensions between trade and warfare, and their effects on Dahomian policy, can be found in Akinjogbin, Ibid. 131–2, 146–8, 151.

58 AN, C.6/26, Ollivier de Montaguere, Juda, 6 Oct. 1777.

59 Dalzel, , History of Dahomy, 207.Google Scholar

60 AN: C.6/26, Champagny, de, ‘Mémoire contenant des observations sur quelques points de la Côte de Guinée….et sur la possibilité d'y faire des Etablissemens’, 6 09 1786.Google Scholar

61 AN: C.6/26, Gourg, Abomey, 28 Aug. 1787, in Peukert, , Die Atlantische Sklaven-handel von Dahomey, 291.Google Scholar The price of a slave at Whydah a little earlier, in 1785, had been nearly £30 sterling: Dalzel, , History of Dahomy, 191 n.Google Scholar

62 Dalzel, , History of Dahomy, 213–14Google Scholar; for the date, cf. AN: C.6/26, Gourg, Juda, 24 Jan. 1788, in Peukert, , Die Atlantische Sklavenhandel von Dahomey, 291–2.Google Scholar

63 AN: C. 6/27, Gourg, , ‘Mémoire pour servir á l'instruction du Directeur qui me succedera au fort de Juda’, 09 1791, in Peukert, , Die Atlantische Sklavenhandel von Dahomey, 292.Google Scholar

64 Dalzel, , History of Dahomy, 213–16.Google Scholar

65 AN: C.6/26, Gourg, Juda, 16 July 1788, in Peukert, , Die Atlantische Sklavenhandel von Dahomey, 292.Google Scholar

66 Dalzel, , History of Dahomy, 223–4.Google Scholar

67 PRO: ADM. 1/1988, ‘State and Condition of the African Company's Fort at Whydah’, 28 Jan. 1790, enclo. to J. N. Inglefield to Philip Stevens, 30 May 1790.

68 Ross, , ‘The Dahomean middleman system’, 374.Google Scholar

69 PRO: CO.2/11, G. A. Robertson, Cape Coast Castle, 2 Sept. 1820.

70 Dupuis, Joseph, Journal of a Residence in Ashantee (London, 1824; reprinted 1966), 98.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For the context, see further Law, Robin, ‘Islam in Dahomey: a case study of the introduction and influence of Islam in a peripheral area of West Africa’, Scottish J. Rel. St. VII, ii (1986), 103.Google Scholar

71 Clapperton, Hugh, Journal of a Second Expedition into the Interior of Africa (London, 1829; reprinted 1966), 80, 83–4, 123.Google Scholar Dahomey benefited at this period from the collapse of Oyo into civil war after c. 1817, which led to the diversion of trade away from Oyo and through Borgu and Mahi to Dahomey: cf. Law, , The Oyo Empire, 281–2.Google Scholar

72 Duncan, John, Travels in Western Africa (London, 1847; reprinted 1968), I, 245.Google Scholar

73 Ibid. 1, 297; ii, 29, 206.

74 Skertchly, J. A., Dahomey As It Is (London, 1874), 247.Google Scholar

75 Law, , ‘Islam in Dahomey’, 105.Google Scholar

76 See esp. Ross, David,‘The first Chacha of Whydah: Francisco Felix de Souza’, Odu, new series, II (1969), 1928Google Scholar; and for De Souza's commercial position, cf. Law, , ‘Royal monopoly’, 567–8.Google Scholar

77 Forbes, Frederick E., Dahomey and the Dahomans (London, 1851; reprinted 1966), 1, 112–13; 11, 175.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

78 Norris, , Memoirs of the Reign of Bossa Ahadee, 87.Google Scholar

79 Dalzel, , History of Dahomy, 170.Google Scholar The insignia of a ‘caboceer’ included an umbrella and a stool: cf. e.g. Béraud, , ‘Note sur le Dahomé; Bull. Soc. Géogr., XII (1866), 378–9.Google Scholar

80 Dalzel, , History of Dahomy, 208–10Google Scholar: the specific offence for which she was arrested was selling coral to Oyo ambassadors in Dahomey, after the king had told Oyo that none was available to be paid in tribute.

81 Norris, , Memoirs of the Reign of Bossa Ahadee, 85–6Google Scholar; Chenevert, De et Bullet, , ‘Réflexions sur Juda’, 19Google Scholar; Hérissé, Le, L'Ancien Royaume du Dahomey, 41.Google Scholar

82 Chenevert, De et Bullet, , ‘Réflexions sur Juda’, 8.Google Scholar

83 Ibid. 19; for the title ‘Boya’, commemorated in the name of a quarter of Whydah, cf. Agbo, Casimir, Histoire de Ouidah du XVe au XXe siècle (second ed., Avignon, 1959), 216.Google Scholar

84 PRO: T.70/704, Sundry Accounts, William's Fort, Whydah, 1 Jan.–30 April 1746, in Cape Coast Journal, Nov. –Dec. 1746.

85 PRO: T.70/1158, Day Book, William's Fort, Whydah, July-Aug. 1757; T.70/1160, Day Book, William's Fort, Whydah, 6 July 1769; T.70/1161, Day Book, William's Fort, Whydah, 28 Feb. 1771.

86 PRO: T.70/1158, Day Book, William's Fort, Whydah, July-Aug. 1754, Jan-Feb. 1755, Sept.–Oct. 1757; T.70/1159, Day Book, William's Fort, Whydah, Sept.-Oct. 1759. The post of Yevogan of Whydah was even more perilous, with executions of three occupants in the single year of 1755, and another in 1760: cf. Akinjogbin, , Dahomey and its Neighbours, 120.Google Scholar

87 The office of Coke still existed at Whydah in 1803, but was unknown by 1863/4: M'Leod, John, A Voyage to Africa (London, 1820; reprinted 1971), 6870Google Scholar; Burton, Richard, A Mission to Gelele, King of Dahome (ed. Newbury, C. W., London, 1966), 76, n. 37.Google Scholar

88 Forbes, , Dahomey & the Dahomans, 1, 111.Google Scholar

89 The Boya family of twentieth-century Whydah claimed descent from a holder of the title who was a contemporary of the Chacha Francisco Felix de Souza (1818–49): Agbo, , Histoire de Ouidah, 216.Google Scholar

90 Quenum, Maximilien, Les Ancêtres de la famille Quénum (Langres, 1981), 62.Google Scholar The local term for ‘merchant’ is first attested in a contemporary source in 1863: Burton, , Mission to Gelele, 140Google Scholar (the ‘Akhi'sino, or great traders, who pay over duties to the king’).

91 Guézo, Anselme, ‘Commerce extérieur et evolution économique au Dahomey: Danxomé (1818–1878)’ (Mémoire de Maîtrise, Université Nationale du Bénin, 1978), 38–9.Google Scholar

92 Dalzel, , History of Dahomy, 224.Google Scholar

93 Ibid. 213.

94 Ibid, 162.

95 Duncan, , Travels in Western Africa, I, 283.Google Scholar Duncan twice refers to traders belonging specifically to the Mehu: Ibid. 11, 29, 206.

96 Dalzel, , History of Dahomy, 208.Google Scholar

97 de Pommegorge, Pruneau, Description de la Nigritié, 208–9.Google Scholar

98 Dalzel, , History of Dahomy, 208, 215.Google Scholar

99 Norris, , Memoirs of the Reign of Bossa Ahadee, 87Google Scholar, Forbes, , Dahomey & the Dahomans, 1, 34–5.Google Scholar

100 Robertson, G. A., Notes on Africa (London, 1819), 271.Google Scholar

101 Parliamentary Papers [hereafter, PP]: 1849, vol. XXXIV (399)Google Scholar, Missions to the King of Ashantee & Dahomey, no. 2, inclosure, Report by B. Cruickshank Esq., of his Mission to the King of Dahomey, 9 Nov. 1848.

102 Duncan, , Travels in Western Africa, 11, 264.Google Scholar

103 Quénum, , Les Ancêtres de lafamille Quénum, 61–3Google Scholar; Guézo, , ‘Commerce Extérieur’, 44.Google Scholar The term is first attested (as ‘akhi-gan, or “King's merchant”’) in 1864: Burton, , Mission to Gelele, 287, n. 29.Google Scholar The explanation of the terms ahissigan and ‘akhigan’ in Law, , ‘Royal monopoly’, 563, 570Google Scholar, is incorrect.

104 Forbes, , Dahomey & the Dahomans, 1, 112–13.Google Scholar

105 Ibid. 11, 243, 246; Yoder, John C., ‘Fly and elephant parties: political polarization in Dahomey, 1840–1870’, J. Afr. Hist. XV, iii (1974), 430, n.27.Google Scholar

106 Agbo, , Histoire de Ouidah, 50Google Scholar; for the title ahissigan, applied to Gnahoui in his praise-poem, cf. Ibid. 235.

107 Forbes, , Dahomey & the Dahomans, 11, 175.Google Scholar

108 Agbo, , Histoire de Ouidah, 197.Google Scholar

109 Quénum, Les Ancêtres de la famille Quénum. The ‘Queenooh’ recorded as a Dahomian military officer in the war against Badagry in 1784 is clearly a member of this family: Dalzel, , History of Dahomy, 184.Google Scholar

110 Quénum, , Les Ancêtres de la famille Quénum, 5665Google Scholar; cf. also idem, Au Pays des Fons (third ed., Paris, 1983), 134–5.

111 Burton, , Mission to Gelele, 287, n. 29Google Scholar; cf. Quénum, , Les Ancêtres de la famille Quénum, 62–4Google Scholar, which wrongly attributes this elevation to the reign of Gezo. The account in Law, , ‘Royal monopoly’, 570Google Scholar, is inaccurate.

112 Quénum, , Les Ancêtres de la famille Quénum, 70–1.Google Scholar

113 See, e.g. Austen, Ralph A., ‘The abolition of the overseas slave trade: a distorted theme in West African history’, J. Hist. Soc. Nigeria, V, ii (1970), 257–74Google Scholar; for an analysis of the transition in Dahomey which likewise stresses continuity, see Coquery-Vidrovitch, ‘De la traite des esclaves à l'exportation de l'huile de palme’.

114 PP: 1847–8, vol. xxii (272), First Report of the Select Committee on the Slave Trade, Minutes of Evidence of W. M. Hutton, 6 April 1848, §2620, 2627; cf. Hopkins, , Economic History of West Africa, 125–6, 142–7.Google Scholar

115 Meillassoux, , ‘Introduction’, 56, 58.Google Scholar

116 Law, , ‘Royal monopoly’, 574Google Scholar; Reid, John, ‘Warrior aristocrats in crisis: the political effects of the transition from the slave trade to palm oil commerce in the nineteenth century kingdom of Dahomey’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Stirling, 1986), esp. 205–7.Google Scholar

117 pp. 1850, vol. lv (1291), Correspondence (Class B)…relative to the Slave Trade, 1849–50, no. 4, Vice-Consul Duncan to Lord Palmerston, 17 Aug. 1849.

118 Laffitte, M., Le Dahomé: Souvenirs de Voyage & de Mission (Tours, 1874), 170.Google Scholar

119 de Monleon, M., ‘Le Cap de Palmes, le Dahomey, Fernando-Pó et l'lle du Prince en 1844’, Revue Coloniale, VI (1845), 72Google Scholar; PP: 1849, vol. XXXIV (399), Missions to the King of Ashantee & Dahomey, no. 2, inclosure, Report by B. Cruickshank Esq., of his Mission to the King of Dahomey, 9 Nov. 1848.

120 Forbes, , Dahomey & theDahomans, 1, 113, 115Google Scholar (Adjovi); 11, 175–6 (Gnahoui). A later account describes a palm oil plantation near Whydah owned by the younger Houénou: Skertchly, , Dahomy As It Is, 32–4.Google Scholar In the twentieth century, the Adjovi and Houenou families were still noted for their extensive palm oil plantations: cf. Agbo, , Histoire de Ouidah, 204, 222.Google Scholar Forbes in 1850 also refers to oil plantations belonging to locally settled Brazilian merchants – José dos Santos, and an unnamed Brazilian of Mahi extraction (possibly d'Almeida, Joaquim): Dahomey & the Dahomans, 1, 114, 123.Google Scholar

121 Cf. Reid, , ‘Warrior aristocrats in crisis’, 223–38.Google Scholar

122 Hérissé, Le, L'Ancien Royaume du Dahomey, 90.Google Scholar

123 In fact, through their status as royal agents they enjoyed fiscal privileges, being exempt from the kouzou, a tax on oil production levied by the king: Ibid 87. Under French colonial rule, the merchants’ title to ownership of the formerly royal plantations was disputed, but the Adjovi family of Whydah secured a judicial decision in their favour in 1921: cf. Glé;lé, Maurice Ahanhazo, Le Danxome: Du Pouvoir Aja à la Nation Fon (Paris, 1974), 161, 225.Google Scholar

124 These internal tensions, though founded in the commercial transition from slaves to oil, were expressed in controversy over human sacrifice (closely linked in Dahomey to the ideology of militarism): cf. Law, Robin, ‘Human sacrifice in pre-colonial West Africa’, African Affairs, LXXXIV (1985), 83–6.Google Scholar

125 This point was first clearly formulated in 1863/4 by Burton, , Mission to Gelele, 260Google Scholar; cf. Reid, , ‘Warrior aristocrats’, 496–9.Google Scholar

126 Béraud, , ‘Note sur le Dahome’, 384–5Google Scholar; Serval, , ‘Rapport sur une Mission au Dahomey’, Revue Maritime et Coloniale, LIX (1878), 188.Google Scholar

127 Reid, , ‘Warrior aristocrats’, 511–13.Google Scholar

128 pp. 1862, vol. lxiii (3179), Despatches from Commodore Wilmot respecting his Visit to the King of Dahomey, no. 2, Commodore Wilmot to Rear Admiral Bruce, 10 Feb. 1863; 1865, vol. lvi (3503–I), Correspondence (Class B)…relating to the Slave Trade, 1864, no. 19, Consul Burton to Earl Russell, 23 March 1864. Elsewhere, Burton refers specifically to the flight of forty families to Porto-Novo: Mission to Gelele, 266, n. 29.

129 Quénum, , Les Ancêtres de lafamille Quénum, 7889.Google Scholar For another instance of tension between the Dahomian monarchy and the merchant community, cf. the liquidation of the Chacha, Julio de Souza, for negotiating the cession of Whydah to Portugal in 1887; Hérissé, Le, L'Ancien Royaume du Dahomey, 336–8.Google Scholar For the issue in general, see Reid, , ‘Warrior aristocrats', 484–7Google Scholar; the merchants’ disaffection and consequent collaboration with French imperialism is also noted (but not explored in detail) by Garcia, Luc, Le Royaume du Dahoméface à la pénétration coloniale (1875–1894) (Paris, 1988), 2830.Google Scholar

By a further ironic twist, one of Tovalou Houénou's sons, Marc Kodjo Tovalou Houénou, after education in France, in turn abandoned collaboration to become an early pioneer of anti-colonial nationalism, and was arrested for sedition in 1925; cf. Roberts, Andrew (ed.), Cambridge History of Africa, VII (Cambridge, 1986), 260, 378, 389CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and also below, p. 181.