¹ Fallers, Lloyd A., Immigrants and Associations (The Hague, 1967), 7–16Google Scholar; Cohen, Abner, Custom and Politics in Urban Africa (London, 1969)Google Scholar; and Cohen, , ‘Cultural Strategies in the Organization of Trading Diasporas’, in Meillassoux, Claude (ed.), The Development of Indigenous Trade and Markets in West Africa (London, 1971), 266–81Google Scholar. An earlier version of this article was presented at the 1973 Annual Meeting of the Canadian Association of African Studies, Halifax, 1974. Special thanks must go to John Lavers and Muhammad Al-Hajj, Bayero University College, Kano, for their assistance in the early stages of research and to H. Fisher, A. G. Hopkins and R. C. C. Law for their comments. The map was drawn by the Cartography Office, Department of Geography, York University.

² Cohen, , ‘Cultural Strategies’, 266–81Google Scholar. For recent contributions to the theoretical discussion of commercial diasporas, see Curtin, Philip D., Economic Change in Precolonial Africa. Senegambia in the Era of the Slave Trade (Madison, 1975), 59–109Google Scholar; Curtin, , ‘Pre-Colonial Trading Networks and Traders: The Diakhanke’, in Meillassoux, Trade and Markets, 228–39Google Scholar; Lovejoy, Paul E., ‘The Hausa Kola Trade (1700–1900). A Commercial System in the Continental Exchange of West Africa’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Wisconsin, 1973Google Scholar, forthcoming as Caravans of Kola. Hausa Trade viith Asante, 1700–1900, Zaria and LondonGoogle Scholar. Page references are to the original thesis); Lovejoy, , ‘The Kambarin Beriberi: The Formation of a Specialized Group of Hausa Kola Traders in the Nineteenth Century’, J. Afr. Hist. xiv, 4 (1973), 633–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Works, J. A., Pilgrims in a Strange Land. Hausa Communities in Chad (New York, 1976)Google Scholar; and Perinbam, B. Marie, ‘The Dyulas in Western Sudanese History: Developers of Resources’, in Swartz, B. K. and Dumett, R. E. (eds.), West African Dynamics: Archaeological and Historical Perspectives (Chicago and The Hague, forthcoming).Google Scholar

³ Sanneh, Lamin ‘The Origins of Clericalism in West African Islam’, J. Afr. Hist. xvii, 1 (1976), 49–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Other criticism of the concept of diaspora is to be found in Adamu, Mahdi, The Hausa Factor in West Africa (Zaria and London, 1978)Google Scholar, who considers the term too narrow to include soldiers of fortune, prostitutes, and others who have migrated from the Hausa homeland.

⁴ Curtin, , ‘The Diakhanke’, 228–39Google Scholar; and Curtin, , Economic Change, 68–83.Google Scholar

⁵ Sanneh, , ‘Clericalism’, 60Google Scholar. It should be noted that Curtin does not claim that the Jakhanké exercised ‘monopoly control’. Rather, he states that they were the ‘dominant carriers at some periods, but other merchants traded, even in Diakhanké towns’ (‘Diakhanke’, 237).Google Scholar

⁶ Sanneh, , ‘Clericalism’, 60.Google Scholar

⁷ See Al-Hajj, Muhammad, ‘A Seventeenth Century Chronicle of the Origins and Missionary Activities of the Wangarawa’, Kano Studies, i, 4 (1968), 7–42.Google Scholar

⁸ Idris, Musa Baba, ‘The Role of the Wangara in the Formation of the Trading Diaspora in Borgu’, Conference on Manding Studies, London, 1972 (unpublished)Google Scholar; and ‘Political and Economic Relations in the Bariba States. An introduction to the Historical Study of a Plural Society from the Traditions of Origin to the Colonial Period’, manuscript in the possession of Michael Crowder, who kindly showed it to me.

⁹ Sanneh, ‘Clericalism’, 55 n., 59 n., 68–71.Google Scholar

¹⁰ For a recent discussion see Levtzion, Nehemia, ‘The Early States of the Western Sudan to 1500’, in Ajayi, J. F. Ade and Crowder, Michael (eds.), History of West Africa, vol. i (London, 1971), 150Google Scholar; Perinbam, B. Marie, ‘Notes on Dyula Origins and Nomenclature’, Bulletin de l'I.F.A.N. xxxvi, 4, (Sér. B [1974]), 676–90Google Scholar; and Perinbam, , ‘Dyulas in Western Sudanese History’.Google Scholar

¹¹ al-Mukhtar, Ibn, Ta'rïkh al-fattash (ed. et trad, par o. Houdas, et Delafosse, M., Paris, 1913; reprinted 1964), 65.Google Scholar

¹² Denham, D., Clapperton, H. and Oudney, W., Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central Africa (London, 1826), 1, 281 n.Google Scholar

¹³ Cissoko, Sékéné Mody, Tombouctou et l'Empire Songhay. Épanouissement du Soudan Nigérien aux XVe–XVIe stècles (Dakar, 1975), 139.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Hunwick, J. O., ‘Songhay, Bornu and Hausaland in the Sixteenth Century’, in Ajayi and Crowder, History of West Africa, i, 227–8Google Scholar, discusses the importance of Islam in Askia Muhammad's coup. Also see Hunwick, , ‘Religion and State in the Songhay Empire, 1464–1591’, in Lewis, I. M. (ed.), Islam in Tropical Africa (London, 1966), 299–312Google Scholar. Hunwick fails to note, however, the close connexion between trade, industry and Islam, and hence the support Muslim merchants must have provided.

¹⁵ This analysis is based on the work of Musa Idris, whose preliminary study clearly establishes ‘Wangara’ as the corporate name for Muslims in Borgu. Since they spoke Dendi, a dialect of Songhay, and since some Songhay moved to the Bariba towns after the Moroccan invasion in 1591, I have assumed that most Borgu Wangara were originally from Songhay and that most early trade was with Songhay. The analysis is also based on recent theories of commercial diaspora organization and development. See especially Lovejoy, , ‘The Hausa Kola Trade’Google Scholar; Lovejoy, , ‘Kambarin Beriberi’, 633–51Google Scholar; Cohen, , ‘Cultural Strategies’, 266–81Google Scholar; Meillassoux, Claude, ‘Introduction’, in Meillassoux, Trade and Markets, 67–74Google Scholar; and Curtin, , Economic Change, 59–108.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Barth, Heinrich, Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa (New York, 1857–1859). i, 334.Google Scholar

¹⁷ For the possibility of a Wangara dynasty through the maternal line at Katsina, see, Palmer, H. R., Sudanese Memoirs (London, 1928, 1967), iii, 83Google Scholar. Smith, Abdullahi, ‘The Early States of the Central Sudan’, in Ajayi and Crowder, History of West Africa, 197Google Scholar, recognizes the Wangara connexion of Sarkin Katsina Muhammad Korau, but he does not specifically associate this with descent through the female line. For the Timbuktu connexions with the Songhay aristocracy, see Ferguson, Phyllis, ‘Islamization in Dagbon: A Study of the Alfanema of Yendi’ (Ph.D. thesis, unpublished, Cambridge University, 1972), 48–54Google Scholar. Also see Levtzion, N., ‘A Seventeenth-Century Chronicle by Ibn al-Mukhtār: A Critical Study of Ta'rikh al-Fattash’, Bulletin of S.O.A.S. xxxiv, 3 (1971), 575.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Lovejoy, , ‘Hausa Kola Trade’, 102–3Google Scholar. Idris, (‘Bariba States’, 84)Google Scholar argues that all merchants who used Mande-like surnames were Sarakole or Malinke in origin, but his proof is not convincing. His approach follows the earlier lead of Levtzion, Nehemia, Muslims and Chiefs in West Africa. A Study of Islam in the Middle Volta Basin in the Pre-Colonial Period (London, 1968), 19–21Google Scholar. Also see Perinbam, , ‘Dyulas in Western Sudanese History’.Google Scholar

¹⁹ For a discussion of the Songhay economy, see Laurent, N. R., ‘The Economic History of the Songhai Empire, 1465–1591’ (Dissertation for the Diploma in African Studies, unpublished, University of Birmingham, 1965)Google Scholar; Tymowski, Michal, ‘L'Éonomie et la société dans le bassin du moyen Niger. Fin du xvi^e–xviii^e siècles’, Africana Bulletin, xviii (1973), 9–64Google Scholar; and Cissoko, , Tombouctou, 123–49Google Scholar. For a summary of Songhay political expansion, see Hunwick, , ‘Songhay, Bornu, and Hausaland’, 225–32.Google Scholar

²⁰ Other sectors of the Songhay economy do not appear to be associated with the Wangara community, but they should be mentioned in order to establish its relative position. Besides the activities of the desert-based merchants and businessmen who traded with the Wangara, Fulbe cattle herders supplemented livestock production and filled the demand for dairy products. Fulbe pastoralists concentrated their resources in areas southwest of Timbuktu but expanded operations everywhere where grazing and water were available. (See Hunwick, , ‘Songhay, Bornu, and Hausaland’, 226–7Google Scholar.) The Niger River was not only the major route for wholesale grain and salt, but was also the site of a fishing industry. Indeed fishermen were probably the earliest merchants in Songhay, but unfortunately little is known about their role in the development of the Songhay merchant class. Their activities stretched beyond the borders of metropolitan Songhay, not only along the Niger but along such tributaries as the Sokoto and Zamfara rivers. Despite their probable importance, however, fishermen lacked the extensive overland commercial contacts which the Wangara possessed, so that the spread of Muslim trade marked a major development in the economic growth of Songhay. See Levtzion, , ‘Early States’, 142–3Google Scholar; and Alkali, Muhammad Bello, ‘A Hausa Community in Crisis. Kebbi in the Nineteenth Century’ (M.A. thesis, unpublished, Ahmadu Bello University, 1969).Google Scholar

²¹ Al-Hajj, , ‘Wangarawa Chronicle’, 9–10Google Scholar. This assumes that the Aşl al-Wanqariyin reference to Borgu is to be identified with Nikki, which seems likely since the Aşl mentions Bussa, the other major Bariba town in the fifteenth century. See also Idris, , ‘Bariba States’, 84–112Google Scholar; Idris, , ‘Wangara’Google Scholar; Levtzion, , Muslims and Chiefs, 174Google Scholar; Lombard, Jacques, Structures de type ‘féodal’ en Afrique noire. Étude des dynamismes internes et des relations sociales chez les Bariba du Dahomey (Paris, 1965), 38, 44, 83Google Scholar; and Ferguson, , ‘Dagbon’, 48–54.Google Scholar

²² Al-Hajj, , ‘Wangarawa Chronicle’, 9Google Scholar. The Aşl mentions a community in Gonja, but since Gonja was not founded in the fifteenth century the reference cannot be taken literally. Rather, Gonja is often used in Hausa to refer to the middle Volta basin, and it seems likely that the fifteenth-century town was Bighu, the most important centre for centuries. On Bighu, see Wilks, Ivor, ‘The Mossi and Akan States, 1500–1800’, in Ajayi and Crowder, History of West Africa, 354–7.Google Scholar

²³ During the time of Queen Amina of Zazzau (fifteenth century) ‘the whole of the products of the west were brought to Hausaland’: see the Palmer, H. R. translation of ‘The Kano Chronicle’, in Sudanese Memoirs, iii, 109Google Scholar. Commodities included kola nuts and eunuchs, which came from or through Nupe and probably reflected Wangara activity. For the chronology of Amina's reign, see Adeleye, R. A., ‘Hausaland and Bornu, 1600–1800‘, in Ajayi and Crowder, History of West Africa, 488, 490Google Scholar; and Smith, , ‘Early States’, 197 nGoogle Scholar. Other Wangara settlements included Godebere and Tomboua, both in Borgu (Idris, , ‘Bariba States’, 84).Google Scholar

²⁴ Lovejoy, , ‘Hausa Kola Trade’, 8Google Scholar. The historical development of the kola trade is discussed in Lovejoy, , ‘Kola in the History of West Africa’ (forthcoming)Google Scholar. For a general overview, see Perinbam, , ‘Dyulas in Western Sudanese History’.Google Scholar

²⁵ This expands upon earlier discussions of cowrie use in the Central Sudan; see Lovejoy, Paul E., ‘Interregional Monetary Flows in the Precolonial Trade of Nigeria’, J. Afr. Hist. xv, 4 (1974), 563–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar. It should be noted that it corrects Marion Johnson's argument for an early eighteenth-century date for the introduction of cowries into the Central Sudan: see her ‘The Cowrie Currencies of West Africa’, J. Afr. Hist. xi, 1 (1970), 33Google Scholar. In fact, Giovanni Lorenzo Anania reported as early as 1582, and probably for the period before 1570, that at Katsina ‘on y utilise comme monnaie, ainsi que cela se fait chez tous ces Noirs, pour les petites choses, des coquillages de mer qui sont trés blancs, et où l'on échange l'or au poids avec les marchandises qui sont apportées par les marchands’: see his L'Universale fabrica del Mondo, overo cosmografia, in Dierk Lange and Berthoud, Silvio, ‘L'intérieur de l'Afrique Occidentale d'après Giovanni Lorenzo Anania (XVI^e siècle)’, Cahiers d'histoire mondiale, xiv, 2 (1972), 335Google Scholar. (Hereafter referred to as Anania, , CosmografiaGoogle Scholar.) It should be noted that the identification of the Wangara with the gold trade also indicates that they very likely introduced cowries, since gold and cowries were the basis of the Songhay monetary system.

²⁶ The debate over the identification of ‘Takedda’ has been a long one, with most authors identifying the copper centre with one of the Tegiddas to the west of Agadez. Brouin, G., ‘Du nouveau au sujet de la question de Takedda’, Notes africaines, xlvii (1950), 90–1Google Scholar; Furon, R., ‘A propos du cuivre de la région d'Azelik’, Notes africaines, xlviii (1950), 127Google Scholar; and Lombard, J. and Mauny, R., ‘Azelik et la question de Takedda’, Notes africaines, lxiv (1954), 99–101Google Scholar, favoured this interpretation, although Ibn Battuta's failure to mention salt prevented a positive identification with Tegidda-n-tesemt. H. Lhote refuted this interpretation by insisting that no copper was to be found in the region of any of the Tegiddas: see ‘Recherches sur Takedda, ville décrite par le voyageur arabe Ibn Battouta et située en Air’, Bulletin de l'I.F.A.N., ser. B, xxxiv, 3 (1972), 429–70Google Scholar. The debate has finally been settled by S. Bernus and P. Gouletquer and their discovery of major copper workings near the ruins of an old city ten kilometres from Tegidda-n-tesemt: see ‘Du cuivre au sel: Recherches ethno-archéologiques sur la region d'Azelik (campagnes 1973–1975)’, Journal des africanistes, xlvi, 1–2 (1976), 7–68Google Scholar; also in Calame-Griaule, G. (ed.), Origine, convergence et diffusion des langues et civilisations résiduelles de l'Air et de l'Azatuaq: Documents, Paris, Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, R.C.p. 322, 1975, 1–68Google Scholar. The question of Ibn Battuta's failure to mention salt production at Tegidda-n-tesemt and Guélélé remains a mystery.

²⁷ See Battuta, Ibn, Voyages, trad. Defremery et Sanguinetti (Paris, 1922), vol. iv, Voyage dans le Soudan, 436–45Google Scholar, for his description of Takedda.

²⁸ Bernsu, and Gouletquer, , ‘Du cuivre au sel’, 52.Google Scholar

²⁹ Bernus, and Gouletquer, , ‘Du cuivre au sel’, 11–13, 61–3.Google Scholar

³⁰ Lacroix, P.-F., ‘Emghedeshie—“Songhay Language of Agadez”—A travers les documents de Barth’, in Calame-Griaule, L'Air et de l'Azawaq, 1–2Google Scholar; and Bernus, and Gouletquer, , ‘Du cuivre au sel’, 62.Google Scholar

³¹ This is the route, without mention of Azelik, followed by Zagaiti and his company: see Al-Hajj, , ‘Wangarawa Chronicle’.Google Scholar

³² Hamani, Djibo, Contribution à l'étude de l'histoire des Etats Hausa: L'Adar Précolonial (République du Niger) (Niamey, 1975), 83Google Scholar, citing Bello, Muhammad, Infakul MaisurGoogle Scholar in Arnett, E. J., The Rise of the Sokoto Fulani (Kano, 1922), 15.Google Scholar

³³ Hamani, (Adar, 42–4)Google Scholar has reconstructed the history of Kalfu Rafi and its Gazurawa residents on the basis of a local ‘tarihi’ which claims the Songhay connexion and which contains a king list with dates to support the contention. There is no mention of Wangara or other merchants, however.

³⁴ Hamani, , Adar, 56, 82–3.Google Scholar

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³⁶ For a discussion of the identification of ‘Guangara’ with Kebbi, see Levtzion, Nehemia, ‘The Wangara in Hausaland’ (unpublished paper presented at the Conference on Manding Studies, London, 1972)Google Scholar. For the argument in favour of one of the Bariba towns, either Nikki or Bussa, see Idris, , ‘Bariba States’, 206Google Scholar. Levtzion's identification is far superior, however, especially since Leo noted that Zazzau, Katsina, Kano, and Guangara spoke the Gobir language, i.e. Hausa (Leo Africanus, Description, ibid.). Leo's location for Guangara also suggests a Kebbi location. It was situated between Borno and Songhay, northwest of Zamfara and west of Kano and Katsina. Only its position relative to Zazzau is impossible, but Leo placed Zazzau northwest of Kano rather than southwest. Leo also noted that Borno's planned invasion of Guangara in the 1510s was postponed because of trouble with Kanem. This sounds like preparations for war delayed until several decades later: see Anania, , Cosmografia, 347.Google Scholar

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⁴¹ Al-Hajj, , ‘Wangarawa Chronicle’, 9–10Google Scholar. For Sunni Ali's persecution of Muslims, see Hunwick, , ‘Songhay, Bornu, and Hausaland’, 226Google Scholar; and Hunwick, , ‘Religion and State’, 302Google Scholar. Zagaiti and his party appear to have travelled from Gao or Timbuktu to Gobir, with some staying in Air and others in Katsina. Also see Sanneh, , ‘Clericalism’, 68–71Google Scholar; and Lovejoy, , ‘Notes’.Google Scholar

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⁵³ In Gobir, , there was ‘abundance of rice, and of certaine other graine and pulse’Google Scholar, while Kano ‘groweth abundance of corne, of rice, and of cotton’. At Katsina, which was suffering famine in the 1510s, fields yielded ‘great store of barlie and millseed [millet ?]’. ‘Rice, mill, and cotton’ were also grown in Zamfara. See Africanus, Leo, Description 828–31Google Scholar. For pepper, see Anania, , Cosmografia, 339Google Scholar. See also Lewicki, Tadeusz, West African Food in the Middle Ages (London, 1974), 21–72.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁵⁷ Africanus, Leo, Description, 829Google Scholar; and ‘Kano Chronicle’, 111Google Scholar. See also Usman, , ‘Katsina’, 190–2.Google Scholar

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⁶⁰ Accounts of Alhaji Haruna and Malam Dan Tsoho, 3, 4, 5 July 1973 (collected by Lovejoy and Aliyu Bala Umar, Tape Ki).

⁶¹ Hunwick, , ‘Songhay, Bornu, and Hausaland’, 209–11Google Scholar; Martin, B. G., ‘Kanem, Bornu, and the Fazzān: Notes on the Political History of a Trade Route’, J. Afr. Hist. x, 1 (1969), 21–2Google Scholar; Africanus, Leo, Description, 833–4Google Scholar; and Lavers, , ‘Kanem and Borno’.Google Scholar

⁶² Hunwick, , ‘Songhay, Bornu, and Hausaland’, 205–6Google Scholar; and Lovejoy, , ‘Hausa Kola Trade’, 207–10.Google Scholar

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⁶⁵ Lovejoy, , ‘Hausa Kola Trade’, 100Google Scholar; and ‘Notes’.

⁶⁶ Idris, , ‘Bariba States’, 84, 86Google Scholar; Lovejoy, , ‘Hausa Kola Trade’, 32Google Scholar; and Lovejoy, , ‘Monetary Flows’Google Scholar. For a different interpretation which claims that the Muslim merchants on the Guinea Coast were Hausa, see Adamu, , Hausa FactorGoogle Scholar. Adamu's argument is unconvincing before the eighteenth century, however.

⁶⁷ Marty, Paul, Études sur l'Islam au Dahomey, Le Bas Dahomey—Le Haut Dahomey (Paris, 1926), 79Google Scholar; Idris, , ‘Bariba States’, 85Google Scholar; Lovejoy, , ‘Hausa Kola Trade’, 24–171.Google Scholar

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Besides using Wangara as a surname, these immigrants also maintained their distinctiveness with at least one cultural trait. They ate frogs, whereas most Hausa people consider frogs inedible. See accounts of Malam Muhammadu Bello, Alhaji Ibrahim Umaru, and Malam Musa Husaini (Lovejoy Collection, Tapes 7 and 8). See also Al-Hajj, , ‘Wangarawa Chronicle’, 9.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ For eighteenth-century commercial contacts between the Volta and the Hausa cities, see Wilks, I. (ed.), ‘Abū Bakr al-Siddiq of Timbuktu’, in Curtin, Philip D. (ed.), Africa Remembered: Narratives of West Africans from the Era of the Slave Trade (Madison, 1967), 158–9Google Scholar. Abu Bakr recounted his family history for the late eighteenth century, and while his family were shurufa, descended from the Prophet, his grandfather's commercial partnership through marriage into a Katsina family demonstrates the relationship between the Hausa cities and the Volta basin at Buna. Arrangements such as theirs may have been made in earlier periods as well.

See also Dupuis, Joseph, Journal of a Residence in Ashantee (London, 1824), 97, 109CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and accounts of Alhaji Muhammad Lawan Barmo of Katsina, Malam Muhammadu Abubakar and Malam Halilu of Sokoto, and Alhaji Abubakar Gambo of Katsina (Lovejoy Collection, Tapes 10, 16).

⁷⁰ Barth, , Travels, I, 479.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Lovejoy, , ‘Hausa Kola Trade’, 87–130Google Scholar; and Usman, Yusufu Bala, ‘The Transformation of Katsina: c. 1796–1903. The Overthrow of the Sarauta System and the Establishment and Evolution of the Emirate’ (Ph.D. thesis, Ahmadu Bello University, 1974).Google Scholar

⁷² Hunwick, (‘Songhay, Bornu and Hausaland’, 212–13)Google Scholar provides one of the latest, standard interpretations that the Wangara were Juula with a far-western orientation, and Sanneh, (‘Clericalism’, 68–71)Google Scholar, although he identifies a Jakhanké connexion and denies the importance of commercial relations, still fails to appreciate the position of Songhay. Similarly, Perinbam's survey of the Juula only recognizes the classical understanding of ‘Wangara’ as gold traders with a Manding connexion who are synonomous with Juula: see ‘Dyulas in Western Sudanese History’.

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