¹ For instance, see Heussler, R., The British in Northern Nigeria (London, 1968),Google ScholarSir Sharwood-Smith, Bryan, ‘But Always as Friends’: Northern Nigeria and the Cameroons, 1921–1957 (London, 1969),Google ScholarPerham, M., Lugard: The Years of Authority, 1899–1945 (London, 1960),Google Scholar and Hull, R. W., ‘The development of administration in Katsina Emirate, Northern Nigeria, 1887–1944’ (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Columbia University, 1968).Google ScholarSmith's, M. G.Government in Zazzau (London, 1960) is an exception to this criticism.Google Scholar

² For a clearer exposition of the theory of indirect rule see Crowder, M., ‘Indirect rule — French and British style’, Africa, XXXIV (1964), 195–205;Google ScholarBull, M., ‘Indirect rule in Northern Nigeria, 1906–1911’ in Robinson, K. and Madden, F. (eds), Essays in Imperial Government (Oxford, 1962), 59–67;Google ScholarSir Cameron, Donald, The Principles of Native Administration and their Application (Lagos, 1934);Google ScholarTemple, C. L., Native Races and their Rulers, 2nd ed. (London, 1968);Google ScholarLugard, Lord, Political Memoranda, 3rd ed. (London, 1970);Google Scholar and Perham, Lugard.Google Scholar

³ Sir Lugard, Frederick D. was the first High Commissioner (Governor) of the Protectorate of Northern Nigeria (1900–6).Google Scholar

⁴ Crowder, M., West Africa under Colonial Rule (London, 1968), 169.Google Scholar

⁵ Perham, Margery, West African Passage: A Journey through Nigeria, Chad and the Cameroons, edited and with an introduction by Kirk-Greene, A. H. M. (London, 1983), 65. I should like to thank Michael Crowder for bringing my attention to the existence of this work.Google Scholar

⁶ Ibid. 89.

⁷ On the powers of the Northern emirs under colonial rule see, for instance, Smith, Government;Google ScholarUbah, C. N., ‘Administration of Kano Emirate under the British, 1900–1930 (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Ibadan, 1973);Google ScholarFika, A. M., The Kano Civil War and British Overrule, 1882–1940 (Ibadan, 1978);Google ScholarHeussler, The British in Northern Nigeria;Google ScholarTibenderana, , ‘The administration of Sokoto, Gwandu and Argungu Emirates under British rule, 1900–1946’ (unpublished Ph.D thesis, University of Ibadan, 1974);Google Scholar and Abubakar, S., ‘The Northern Provinces under colonial rule’, in Ikime, O. (ed), Groundwork of Nigerian History (Ibadan, 1980), 447–81.Google Scholar

⁸ Perham, West African Passage, 66.Google Scholar

⁹ See Crowder, M. and Ikime, O. (eds), West African Chiefs: Their Changing Status under Colonial Rule and Independence (Ile-Ife, 1970), xii;Google ScholarPerham, M., Native Administration in Nigeria (London, 1962), 116;Google ScholarSmith, J., ‘The relationship of the British political officer to his chief in Northern Nigeria’, in Crowder, and Ikime, (eds), West African Chiefs, 21;Google Scholar and Paden, J., ‘Aspects of emirship in Kano’, in Crowder, and Ikime, (eds), West African Chiefs, 177.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Smith, ‘Relationship’, 21.Google Scholar

¹¹ Perham, Native Administration, 116. Perham's admission on p. 65 of her work, West African Passage, that ‘the Emir [of Kano] may be a man put in largely by our choice after the death or deposition of his predecessor’ seems to contradict this statement.Google Scholar

¹² Paden, ‘Aspects of Emirship in Kano’, 181.Google Scholar

¹³ For a clearer exposition of the British conquest of Sokoto, Gwandu, and Argungu emirates and other parts of Northern Nigeria see Adeleye, R. A., Power and Diplomacy in Northern Nigeria, 1804–1906 (London, 1971),Google ScholarMuffett, D. J. M., Concerning Brave Captains (London, 1964);Google ScholarTukur, M. A., ‘The imposition of British colonial domination on the Sokoto caliphate, Bornu and neighbouring states, 1807–1914’ (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Ahmadu Bello University, 1979), 1–247;Google ScholarPerham, Lugard, 35–137;Google Scholar and Tibenderana, ‘Administration of Sokoto etc.’ 116–34.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Before the imposition of colonial rule the Caliph of Sokoto, who was also known locally as Sarkin Musulmi (Chief of the Muslims), was the political head of the Sokoto Caliphate, comprising about twenty emirates, the religious leader of the community, and the supreme judge of the Shari' a (Islamic law) throughout the Caliphate. On the history of the Sokoto Caliphate see Adeleye, Power and Diplomacy;Google ScholarLast, D. M., The Sokoto Caliphate (London, 1967);Google Scholar and Johnston, H. R. S., The Fulani Empire of Sokoto (London, 1967).Google Scholar

¹⁵ Up to the end of the 1920s the official title given by the British to the ruler of Sokoto was emir. The courtesy title of ‘Sultan’ became official during the 1930s. For the sake of clarity the word Sultan will be used in reference to the emir of Sokoto throughout this article.Google Scholar

¹⁶ During the pre-colonial era the emir of Gwandu exercised the right to appoint and discipline the emirs in the western half of the Sokoto Caliphate on behalf of the Caliph. The emirs in this sector paid their tribute to the emir of Gwandu. The establishment of colonial rule ended this relationship between the emir of Gwandu and the emirs of the ‘West’, as the former was now restricted in his rule to Gwandu emirate. For a clearer exposition of the history of Gwandu and its dependent emirates see Balogun, S. A., ‘Gwandu emirate in the nineteenth century with special reference to political relations, 1817–1902’ (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Ibadan, 1971).Google Scholar

¹⁷ On the procedure for appointing the dangaladima and his eventual succession to the emirship see Tibenderana, ‘Administration of Sokoto etc’., 60–62;Google Scholar and Balogun, ‘Gwandu’, 255.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Last, Sokoto, 175.Google Scholar

¹⁹ The legitimacy of Northern Nigerian emirs under colonial rule is currently being seriously questioned by Nigerian scholars of Muslim orientation. It is argued that since the pre-colonial emirs’ legitimacy depended on their readiness and ability to further the frontiers of Islam, including waging jihads (holy wars) against unbelievers, the emirs of the colonial period who could no longer perform these functions cannot be regarded as legitimate emirs. It is pointed out that during the Caliphal era any emir who failed to perform these functions would have been deposed by the Caliph. I am grateful to my colleagues in the Department of History, Ahmadu Bello University, to whom the first draft of this article was presented at a Departmental Seminar, for these views.Google Scholar

²⁰ The membership of Sokoto electoral council comprised the holders of the following titles: Waziri, Magajin Gari, Magajin Rafi, Galadima, Sarkin Yakin Binji, Ardon Shuni, Sa'i Kilgori, Sarkin Adar Dundaye, and Ardon Dingyade; that of Gwandu comprised the holders of the following titles: Chief Imam, Sarkin Dendi of Zegirma, Sarkin Aliero, Sarkin Kebbi of Jega, Magajin Gari, Chief Alkali, Turawa, and Ubandawaki; while that of Argungu comprised the holders of the following titles: Kunduda, Kokani, Inname, Galadima, Dikko, Magajin Baberi, and Magajin Kulalo.Google Scholar

²¹ On the procedures for electing emirs in Sokoto, Gwandu and Argungu during the 19th century see Tibenderana, ‘Administration of Sokoto etc’., 54–64;Google ScholarBalogun, ‘Gwandu’, 251–60;Google ScholarLast, Sokoto, 64–6, 97–9 and 167–68.Google Scholar

²² The ‘council’ which nominated Sultan Attahiru included the following: Waziri Muhammad Bukhari; Shehu, the Galadima; Umar, Sarkin Gobir; Muhammad Maiturare, the Marafa; Sarkin Burmi; Sarkin Zanfara; and Sarkin Kebbi. With the exception of the first named two persons, who were members of Sokoto electoral council, the rest were not members of Sokoto electoral council and as such they were not qualified to nominate the Sultan. The above names are given in Sir F. D. Lugard's first speech at Sokoto, 20 March 1903. For this speech see Northern Nigeria, Annual Reports, 1900–1911 (London, 1911), 162–3.Google Scholar

²³ Haruna, Alhaji, the Emir of Gwandu since 1954; Alhaji Junaidu, the Waziri of Sokoto since 1948; and Muhammad Sambo, chief judge of Muslim courts in Gwandu Oral testimony, when interviewed by the author: Birnin Kebbi, io March 1972, Sokoto, 1 March 1972, Birnin Kebbi, 9 March 1972, respectively.Google Scholar

²⁴ Northern Nigeria, Annual, 164.Google Scholar Parts of Lugard's second speech at Sokoto are reproduced in Kirk-Greene, A. H. M., The Principles of Native Administration in Nigeria: Selected Documents. 1900–1947 (London, 1965), 43–44.Google Scholar

²⁵ On the reasons why Samaila welcomed the British in his emirate see Tibenderana, ‘Administration of Sokoto etc.’, 119–21.Google Scholar

²⁸ Burdon, J. A., ‘Sokoto provincial report for April 1903’, (n.d.), Nigerian National Archives Kaduna (hereafter N.N.A.K.), Sokprof., 2/1/23/1903.Google Scholar

²⁷ Burdon, J. A., ‘Sokoto provincial report for the quarter ending 31 August 1903’ (n.d.), N.N.A.K., Sokprof., 2/1/129/1903.Google Scholar

²⁸ Burdon, J. A., ‘Sokoto provincial report for the quarter ending 31 December 1905’, (n.d.), N.N.A.K., Sokprof. 2/2/85/1905.Google Scholar

²⁹ Burdon, J. A., ‘Sokoto provincial teport for September and October 1905’, (n.d.) N.N.A.K., Sokprof. 2/2/756/1905.Google Scholar

³⁰ See Adeleye, R. A., ‘Mahdist triumph and British revenge in Northern Nigeria: Satiru 1906’, J. Hist. Soc. Nigeria, vi, 2 (1972), 293–214;Google Scholar and Muhammad, A. S., ‘A social interpretation of the Satiru revolt of c. 1894–1906 in Sokoto Province’(unpublished M.Sc. thesis, Ahmadu Bello University, 1983).Google Scholar

³¹ During the Satiru revolt the leading princes of Sokoto, including the Sultan, supported the British. This was mainly because the Sultan and other leading princes like Muhammad Maiturare were quite aware that at the time a rebellion against British rule would not succeed and as such they were religiously bound, as Muslim leaders, not to plunge the Muslim community into unnecessary suffering by calling upon them to rebel against the British without any hope of success. Although Muslim leaders are expected to rebel against the rule of infidels, they are not expected to do so unless they are certain of success. On the conditions for intercourse between Muslims and unbelievers see, for instance, Adeleye, R. A., ‘The dilemma of the Wazir: the place of the Risalat al-Wazir'ila ahl al ‘urn Wa’ 1-tadabbur in the history of the conquest of the Sokoto caliphate’ J. Hist. Soc. Nigeria, IV., 2 (1968), 285–311;Google Scholar and Ali, A. Y., The Holy Qur'an: Text, Translation, Commentary (Beirut, 1965), 438–80.Google Scholar

³² On Muhammad's involvement in the Satiru rebellion see Adeleye, ‘Mahdist Triumph’, 213.Google Scholar

³³ J. A. Burdon to F. D. Lugard, Sokoto, 21 February 1906, Nigerian National Archives Ibadan (hereafter N.N.A.I.), C.S.O., 1/27/6.Google Scholar

³⁴ On opposition to British rule in Northern Nigeria see, for instance, Adeleye, ‘Mahdist triumph’, 193–201; and Tukur, ‘Imposition of British colonial domination’, 248–397 and 629–70,.Google Scholar

³⁵ See Burdon, J. A., ‘Sokoto provincial report for September and October, 1905’, (n.d.), N.N.A.K., Sokprof. 2/2/756/1905. This report includes extracts from Ruxton's confidential report on Gwandu Division.Google Scholar

³⁶ See Balogun, S. A., ‘Succession tradition in Gwandu history, 1817–1918’, J. Hist. Soc. Nigeria, vii, 7 (1983), 17–32.Google Scholar

³⁷ Bello, Muhammad, the Magajin Rafi of Gwandu and member of the emir's council (1940–75); and Muhammad Sambo, chief judge of Muslim courts in Gwandu (1943– 55), oral testimony, when interviewed by the author, Birnin Kebbi 9 March 1972 and 10 March 1972 respectively.Google Scholar

³⁸ The dangaladima, Shehu Abdulkadiri, who traditionally would have been elected to succeed Muhammad was very ill at the time Muhammad was deposed. He died a week after Haliru's appointment. But even if Shehu had not been ill at the time of Muhammad's deposition, he would still not have been appointed, since he lacked the support of the British who had refused to recognize him as dangaladima. He was appointed to this position by the ex-Emir without the Resident's approval. In fact, Resident Burdon was considering Shehu's dismissal from his district headship at the time he fell ill. See J. A. Burdon, ‘Sokoto provincial report for July and August 1905’, (n.d.), N.N.A.K. Sokprof. 2/2/275/1905.Google Scholar

³⁹ Captain Keyes was the officer commanding the British military post at Illo near Gwandu which was established in 1900. From this post British troops made several incursions into Gwandu emirate before it was finally occupied in 1903.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ On Haliru's relationship with the British before his appointment as emir see Tibenderana, ‘Administration of Sokoto etc.’, 124–7. For instance, while the Emir of Gwandu refused to assist the British to crush the Satiru rebellion, Haliru of Kalgo aided the war efforts of the British in various ways, sending horses and food supplies.Google Scholar

⁴¹ See Burdon, J. A., ‘Sokoto provincial annual report for 1906’, (n.d.), N.N.A.K., Sokprof. 3/9/86/1907.Google Scholar

⁴² See Arnett, E. J., ‘Sokoto provincial report for half year ending 30 June 1915’, (n.d.), N.N.A.K., S.N.P. 10/3/474P/1915. This report includes extracts from Liddard's report for the same period on Gwandu Division.Google Scholar

⁴³ Ibid.

⁴⁴ See Ibid. The kingmakers' views on Bashiru's candidature were included in Liddard's memo on Bashiru's appointment which he sent to Resident Arnett. Arnett passed on these views to the Governor-General.

⁴⁵ The Waziri's support for Bashiru's appointment is understandable. The viziership was not a traditional title in Gwandu. The only emir of Gwandu who appointed a vizier was Ibrahim Haliru (1833–58). Babba was appointed to the viziership by the British in 1906 and his tenure of office depended solely on their goodwill since his office lacked traditional backing. He could therefore not afford to offend the British in an important matter such as the appointment of the emir by failing to support a candidate sponsored by them.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ During the 19th century migration in Sokoto Caliphate from one part of the emirate or from one emirate to another was an established form of protest against oppression by district heads and emirs. It always attracted the attention of the Caliph at Sokoto who would take measures to remedy the situation.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ See Arnett, E. J., ‘Sokoto provincial report for half year ending 30 June 1915’ (n.d.), N.N.A.K., S.N.P. 10/3/474P/1915.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ See Ibid.

⁴⁹ See Ibid.

⁵⁰ Three of Samaila's sons, namely Karari, Umar Lelaba, and Muhammad Sama, were Suleiman's rivals for the emirship. Their names were also mentioned to the D.O. by the kingmakers as possible successors to their late father.Google Scholar

⁵¹ See Arnett, E. J., ‘Sokoto provincial report for half year ending 30 June 1915’, (n.d.), N.N.A.K., S.N.P. 10/3/474P/1915. This report includes extracts from Mr Moshell's memo on Suleiman's appointment.Google Scholar

⁵² Adeleye, ‘Mahdist Triumph’, 203.Google Scholar

⁵³ Webster, G. W., ‘Sokoto provincial annual report No. 21, for 1924’, 17 February 1925, N.N.A.K., S.N.P. 9/12/638/1925.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ This conclusion is based on information provided by Alhaji Muhammad Ajiya, a member of the Argungu emir's council (1934–43); and Alhaji Junaidu, the Waziri of Sokoto since 1948, oral testimony at interview by the author, Argungu, 13 March 1972 and Sokoto, 13 March 1972 respectively.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ District Officer to E. J. Arnett, Birnin Kebbi, 25 January 1918, N.N.A.K., Sokprof. 3/1/C.5/1/1918.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Before the advent of British rule the ruling house of Gwandu was made up of three main dynasties, namely the male descendants of Muhammad (1828–33), Haliru (833–58) and Aliyu (1860–64).Google Scholar

⁵⁷ See District Officer to E. J. Arnett, Birnin Kebbi, 25 January 1928, N.N.A.K., Sokprof. 3/1/C.5/1/1918.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ E. J. Arnett to Secretary, Northern Provinces (hereafter S.N.P.), Sokoto, 28 February 1918, N.N.A.K., Sokprof. 3/1/C.5/402/1918.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ After his appointment in 1906 Haliru dismissed all the senior officials of his immediate predecessor. The only official of ex-Emir Muhammad who retained his job was the grand alkali (chief judge), Ahmad Sadu. Haliru appointed his officials from among his friends in most cases without regard to the traditional norms which governed the appointment of the emir's senior officials. For a clearer exposition of the political changes which followed Haliru's appointment see Tibenderana, ‘Administration of Sokoto etc.’, 169–75.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ E. J. Arnett to S.N.P., Sokoto, 28 February 1918, N.N.A.K., Sokprof. 3/I/C.5/402/1918.Google Scholar

⁶¹ The author is not aware of any other emirate which had the office of heir apparent. But one cannot be categorically sure about this since the system of appointment of emirs in most emirates has not been fully studied.Google Scholar

⁶² On the appointment of the dangaladima of Gwandu and Argungu see Balogun, ‘Gwandu’, 255;Google Scholar and Tibenderana, ‘Administration of Sokoto etc.’ 60–62.Google Scholar

⁶³ See E. J. Arnett, to S.N.P., Sokoto, 23 May 1918, N.N.A.K., Sokprof. 3/I/C.5/89/18.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ On the appointment of the emirs of Sokoto Province during the late 1930s see Tibenderana, ‘Administration of Sokoto etc.’, 305–7.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ The principle of ‘competitive monarchy’ was also adhered to in non-emirate polities especially among the Yoruba. Here, as in the emirates, the British appointed rulers of their choice freely. On the appointment of some obas in Yorubaland see Atanda, J. A., ‘The changing status of the Alafin of Oyo under colonial rule and independence’, in Crowder, and Ikime, (eds), West African Chiefs, 212–30;Google Scholar and Ayandele, E. A., ‘The changing position of the Awujales of Ijebuland under colonial rule’, in Crowder, and Ikime, (eds), West African Chiefs, 231–54.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Crowder, M. ‘Tshekedi Khama and opposition to the British Administration of the Bechuanaland Protectorate, 1926–1936’, J. Afr. Hist. xxvi (1985), 194.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ On the events leading to Ovonramwen's deposition in 1897 and the restoration of the Benin Obaship in 1914 see Igbafe, P. A., Benin under British Administration: the Impact of Colonial Rule on an African Kingdom, 1897–1938 (London, 1979), 37–150.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Crowder, Michael has shown how Tshekedi Khama, Regent of the Bangwato for his nephew, Seretse, from 1926 to 1950, was able to defy the Administration of the Bechuanaland Protectorate and still retain his office very largely owing to the fact that the British could not get a legitimate candidate to replace him since his people faithfully adhered to the rule of male primogeniture. See Crowder, ‘Tshekedi Khama’, 193–214.Google Scholar For a similar reason the Kabaka of Buganda, Mutesa II (1948–66), who was deported by the Uganda Protectorate Government in 1953 for opposing the British plans to forge Uganda into a unitary state, was returned in 1955. On the events which led to Kabaka Mutesa's deportation and his return see Low, D. A. and Pratt, R. C., Buganda and British Overrule, 1900–1955 (London, 1960), 251–92 and 317–49;Google Scholar and The Kabaka, of Buganda, , Desecration of My Kingdom (London, 1967), 123–66.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ On the deposition of some emirs of Northern Nigeria by the British see Fika, Kano, 179–80;Google ScholarSmith, Government;Google ScholarTukur, ‘Imposition of British domination’, 190–3;Google Scholar and Tibenderana, P. K., ‘The making and unmaking of the Sultan of Sokoto, Muhammadu Tambari, 1922–31’, J. Hist. Soc. Nigeria, ix, 1, (1977), 91–134.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ On the reasons which led to Tambari's deposition see Tibenderana, ‘Making and unmaking of Muhammad Tambari’, 110–34.Google Scholar

⁷¹ See Ibid, 91–110.

⁷² H. S. W. Edwardes to S.N.P., Sokoto, 26 October 1921, N.N.A.K., Sokprof 3/I/C.126.Google Scholar

⁷³ Ibid.

⁷⁴ Ibid.

⁷⁵ Heussler, British, 126.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ On anti-British activities in Northern Nigeria ascribed to Mahdism see Ubah, C. N., ‘British measures against Mahdism at Dumbuiwa in Northern Nigeria 1923; A case of colonial overreaction’, Islamic Culture, L, 3 (1976), 169–83;Google ScholarTomlinson, G. J. F. and Lethem, C. J., History of Islamic Political Propaganda in Nigeria (London, 1927);Google ScholarAl-Hajj, M. A., ‘The Mahdist tradition in Northern Nigeria’ (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Ahmadu Bello University, 1973), 193–218.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Sir Hugh Clifford to C.O., Lagos, 16 March 1923, C.O. 583/118.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ See Ali, Holy Quran, 438–80;Google ScholarAdeleye, ‘Dilemma of the Waziri’, 285–311;Google Scholar and Fudi, Bayan, 58–9 and 78–9.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ After Sa'id's arrest Dumbuiwa residents were dispersed on the orders of the Resident of Bornu. The British also reinforced frontier patrols, especially along the border with French territory to the north and east. Arrangements were also concluded with the French for a common policy towards Muslim dissidents and the Mahdists. Sa' id was exiled to the Southern Cameroons where it was hoped he would not be able to get in contact with his followers. It was not until 1946 that Sa'id was allowed to return to Kano. The government chose to deport Sa' id instead of putting him on trial before a court of law on the grounds that his conviction and subsequent imprisonment would have shaken the emirs and their Muslim subjects all of whom held Sa' id in high esteem because of his vast knowledge of the sunna (the practice of the Prophet). See Sir Hugh Clifford to J. H. Thomas, Lagos, 11 March 1924, C.O. 583/125/15104/2.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ See Al-Hajj, ‘Mahdist tradition’, 193–218.Google Scholar

⁸¹ See G. W. Webster, ‘Sokoto provincial annual report for 1922’, (n.d.), N.N.A.K., Sokprof. 2/14/265/1922.Google Scholar

⁸² The Governor chose Palmer to investigate the political situation at Sokoto because of his well-known anti-Mahdist stance. The Governor believed that anti-Maiturare elements were linked with the anti-British Mahdist movement in Northern Nigeria. See Tibenderana, ‘Making and unmaking of Muhammad Maiturare’, 96–8.Google Scholar

⁸³ Palmer, H. R., ‘Report on political conditions in Sokoto Province’, March 1922, N.N.A.K., Sokprof. 3/1/C.9/651/3.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Ibid.

⁸⁵ Ibid.

⁸⁶ Sir Hugh Clifford to J. H. Thomas, Lagos, 11 March 1924, C.O. 583/125/15104.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Palmer, H. R., ‘Report on political conditions in Sokoto province’, March 1922, N.N.A.K., Sokprof. 3/1/C.9/651/3.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ See S.N.P. to Resident of Sokoto, Kaduna, 11 May 1922, N.N.A.K., Sokprof. 3/1/C.9/651/3. This memorandum includes Gowers’ ‘Minute’ on Palmer's report. The Sarkin Gobir, Ibrahim; and Sarkin Rahan, Ibrahim, were among the people named by Palmer in his report as having been behind the political unrest at Sokoto in 1921.Google Scholar

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⁹⁰ In the early 1880s the Sudanese Mahdi appointed Sa' id's father, Shaikh Hayatu, as his agent in Western Sudan and recognized him as the ruler of the Sokoto Caliphate. On Hayatu's relationship with the Sudanese Mahdi see, Adeleye, Power, 103–9;Google ScholarHolt, P. M., ‘The Sudanese Mahdia and the outside world, 1881–89’, B.S.O.A.S., XXL (1958), 276–90;Google Scholar and Biobaku, S. and Al-Hajj, M. A., ‘The Sudanese Mahdiyya and the Niger—Chad region’, in Lewis, I. M. (ed) Islam in Tropical Africa, 2nd ed., (London, 1980), 235–6.Google Scholar On the history of the Mahdist State in the Sudan see Holt, P. M., The Mahdist State in the Sudan, 1881–98: A Study of its Origins, Development and Overthrow, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 1970).Google Scholar

⁹¹ Even before the advent of colonial rule Mahdism had many adherents in Northern Nigeria. For some historical reasons Mahdists were concentrated in the eastern emirates namely Adamawa (Yola), Bauchi, Gombe and Mubi, and in the Borno empire. On Mahdist expectations in the Sokoto Caliphate see Al-Hajj, M. A., ‘The thirteenth century in Muslim eschatology: Mahdist expectations in the Sokoto Caliphate’, Research Bulletin of the Centre for Arabic Documentation, III, 2 (1967), 100–15.Google Scholar

⁹² Junaidu, Alhaji, the Waziri of Sokoto since 1948, oral testimony, when interviewed by the author, Sokoto, 9 August 1975. These views were given credence by Usman Dan Fodio's warning in 1805 to his lieutenants to prepare for the appearance of the expected Mahdi in the near future and his prediction that his jihad would continue till the advent of the expected Mahdi. See Adeleye, Power, 104.Google Scholar

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⁹⁴ See Fudi, Usman Ibn, Bayân Wujūb al-Hijra ‘alā 'l-’Ibād, trans. by El-Masri, F. H. (Khartoum, 1978), 58–9 and 78–9;Google Scholar and Sir Hugh Clifford to J. H. Thomas, Lagos, 11 March 1924, C.O. 583/125/15104. Cf. Ubah, ‘British measures against Mahdism’, 273–4.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ See Tomlinson and Lethem, History of Islamic Propaganda, 5–10. Although at the time Sa'id settled at Dumbuiwa in 1918 it was wasteland, by 1923 it had grown into a town with an estimated population of about 3,000 people.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ On the events leading to Sa' id's arrest see Ubah, ‘British measures against Mahdism’, 178–9;Google ScholarPalmer, H. R., ‘Conf. Appendix to Annual Report, Bornu Province, 1923’, (n.d) end, in Sir Hugh Clifford to J. H. Thomas, Lagos, 11 March 1924, C.O. 583/125/15104.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ After Sa' id's arrest the Nigerian Government asked the Sudan Government if there was any connexion between the Dumbuiwa Mahdist movement and the Sudanese Mahdiyya. In response the Director of Intelligence, Sudan Government, sent some documents including a copy of Sa'id's letter of 1919 to Abd al-Rahman, which linked Sa' id's Mahdist movement to the Sudanese Mahdiyya. See Director of Intelligence to Chief Secretary, Khartoum, 3 December 1923, end, no. 1, in Sir Hugh Clifford to J. H. Thomas, Lagos, 11 March 1924, C.O. 583/125/15104.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ See Sir Hugh Clifford to J. H. Thomas, Lagos, 11 March 1924, C.O. 583/125/15104; Abd al-Rahman al-Mahdi to Sa'id, the Khalifa of the West, 16 January 1922, end. 7; Abd al-Rahman al-Mahdi to Shaikh Sa'id, 21 February 12, end, no. Q; and H. R. Palmer, ‘Conf. Appendix, Annual Report, Bornu Province, 1923’ (n.d.) end. All these documents are ends, in Sir Hugh Clifford to J. H. Thomas, Lagos, 11 March 1924, C.O. 583/125/15104.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ See Palmer, H. R., ‘Conf. Appendix Annual Report, Bornu Province, 1923’ (n.d.) end, in Sir Hugh Clifford to J. H. Thomas, Lagos, II March 1924, C.O. 583/125/15104.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Ibid.

¹⁰¹ Gowers, W. F., ‘Supplementary note’ to Palmer's ‘Conf. Appendix to Annual Report, Bornu Province, 1923’, 14 February 1924, end, no. 8 in Sir Hugh Clifford to J. H. Thomas, Lagos, 11 March 1924, C.O. 583/125/15104.Google Scholar

¹⁰² Emir of Yola to Sa' id, 1 August 1920, end, no. 4Google Scholar in Ibid.

¹⁰³ Gowers, W., ‘Supplementary note’ to Palmer's ‘Conf. Appendix to Annual Report, Bornu Province, 1923’, (n.d.), 14 February, 1924, end, no. 8 in Sir Hugh Clifford to J. H. Thomas, Lagos, 11 March 1924, C.O. 583/125/15104. Surprisingly, the emirs who were implicated in Sa' id's ‘intrigue’ were not deposed as one would have expected. They were allowed to retain their offices despite the gravity of their action, on the grounds that if they were deposed it would cause panic among other Muslim chiefs who might have been flirting with Mahdism and create problems for the administration. See Sir Hugh Clifford to J. H. Thomas, Lagos, 11 March 1924, C.O. 583/125/15104.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Gowers, W. F., ‘Supplementary note’ to Palmer's ‘Conf. Appendix to Annual Report, Bornu Province, 1923’ (n.d.), 14 February 1924.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Ibid.

¹⁰⁶ See Ubah, ‘British measures against Mahdism’, 169–83.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ Hogben, S. J. and Kirk-Greene, A. H. M., The Emirates of Northern Nigeria (London, 1966), 414;Google Scholar and Last, Sokoto, 63–141.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ It was public knowledge in Sokoto that the British favoured the appointment of Muhammad Tambari. This conclusion is based on information provided by Alhaji Usman, Sarkin Yakin Binji; Alhaji Muhammad Hanuri Basa, Ardon Shuni; Abubakar, Sa'i Kirgori; Yakubu, Sarkin Adar Dundage; and Alhaji Muhammad, Ardon Dingyade; oral testimony, when interviewed by the author, Sokoto, 22 February 1978. These informants were members of the Sokoto electoral council. I would like to express my gratitude to the Sultan of Sokoto, Sir Abubakar III, for making it possible for me to interview the above-mentioned kingmakers.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ G. W. Webster to S.N.P., Sokoto, 30 July 1924, N.N.A.I., C.S.O. 26/2/13139/1. This correspondence includes the contents of a telegram which Webster sent to the Lieutenant-Governor on 22 July 1924.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ See Ag. S.N.P. to Chief Secretary to the Government, Kaduna, 11 August 1924, N.N.A.I., C.S.O. 26/2/13139/1/471/50. This correspondence includes the contents of a.telegram which the Ag. S.N.P. sent to Webster on 24 July 1924.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Ibid.

¹¹² It was Webster himself who was instructed by Gowers in May 1922 to reveal to Maiturare the government's promise to appoint one of his sons as his successor. See S.N.P. to Resident of Sokoto, Kaduna, 11 May 1922, N.N.A.K., Sokprof. 3/1/C.9/651/3. He was also well acquainted with the contents of Palmer's report of 1922 on political conditions in Sokoto. For example, he discussed the contents of this report in his annual report on Sokoto province for 1922. See G. W. Webster, ‘Sokoto provincial annual report for 1922’, (n.d.), N.N.A.K., Sokprof. 2/14/265/1922.Google Scholar

¹¹³ Webster's last-minute support for Tambari's appointment can be explained by the fact that he was an obsequious Resident who would never have wanted to disappoint his superiors or challenge their policies. His initial failure to manipulate the electoral council's proceedings on 22 July 1924 so as to ensure Tambari's election was largely due to his belief in a non-interventionist system of indirect rule. This assessment is based on information provided by Commander J. H. Carrow, oral testimony, when interviewed by the author, Weymouth, 23 September 1971. Carrow was the Resident of Sokoto 1933–42. Before this appointment he was District Officer, Kano Division 1919–33. He knew Webster personally.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ See H. F. Backwell to S.N.P., Sokoto, 29 January 1931, N.N.A.K., Sokprof. 3/1/C.13/11931/2.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ G. W. Webster to S.N.P., Sokoto, 26 July 1924, N.N.A.I., C.S.O. 26/2/13139/1.Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ See H. F. Backwell to S.N.P., Sokoto, 29 January 1931, N.N.A.K., Sokprof. 3/1/C.13/13139/2.Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ See W. F. Gowers, marginal comments on Webster's memo of 26 July 1924, (n.d.), N.N.A.K., S.N.P. 9/12/63/1924. Gowers was determined to have Tambari appointed to the emirship of Sokoto regardless of whether a majority of the kingmakers voted for him or not. See Ag. S.N.P. to Chief Secretary to the Government, Kaduna, 11 August 1924, N.N.A.I., C.S.O. 26/2/13139/1/471/50.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ See Ag. S.N.P. to Chief Secretary to the Government, Kaduna, 11 August 1924, N.N.A.I., C.S.O. 26/2/13139/1.Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ See Sir Hugh Clifford to C.O., Lagos, 11 March 1924, C.O. 583/125/15104.Google Scholar

¹²⁰ Throughout his reign Muhammad Tambari was very popular with the talakawa. They held him in high esteem because of his kindness and sympathetic attitude towards the poor and the infirm. This assessment is based on the information provided by Umaru Binji, Sokoto Native Administration treasury clerk (1939–71); and Musa Dogondutse, oral testimony, when interviewed by the author, Sokoto, 24 February 1972. Many other informants subscribed to the same view.Google Scholar

¹²¹ See Tibenderana ‘Making and unmaking of Muhammad Maiturare’, 117–119.Google Scholar

¹²² Lieutenant-Governor to Governor, Kaduna, 16 January 1931, N.N.A.I., C.S.O. 26/2/13139/1. For a clearer exposition of the reasons which led to Tambari's deposition see Tibenderana, ‘Making and unmaking of Muhammad Maiturare’, 110–34. Cf. Heussler, British in Northern Nigeria, 127–9.Google Scholar

¹²³ Tibenderana, ‘Making and unmaking of Muhammad Maiturare’, 110–117.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ According to Sir Bryan Sharwood-Smith in the context of colonial Northern Nigeria a good native administration was one in which the emir worked harmoniously with his councillors and district heads to ameliorate the welfare of the talakawa. Oral testimony, when interviewed by the author, Bexhill-on-Sea, 2 October 1971. Sir Bryan was the Governor of Northern Nigeria 1952–7. Before this appointment he had served in many provinces as a Resident.Google Scholar

¹²⁵ Before the 1930s the main role of the native administrations in Northern Nigeria was to keep law and order. However, from the early 1930s onwards, they were assigned a development role as well. See Tibenderana, ‘Administration of Sokoto etc.’, 420–95;Google ScholarFika, Kano, 234–61;Google Scholar and Sir Cameron, Donald, The Principles of Native Administration and their Application (Lagos, 1934), 10–26.Google Scholar

¹²⁶ G. J. Lethem to J. H. Carrow, Sokoto, 7 November 1933, N.N.A.K., Sokprof. 3/1/C.31.Google Scholar

¹²⁷ Ibid.

¹²⁸ Carrow, J. H. and Sir Sharwood-Smith, Bryan, oral testimony, when interviewed by the author, Weyrnouth, 23 September 1971 and Bexhill-on-Sea, 2 October 1971 respectively.Google Scholar

¹²⁹ Ibid.

¹³⁰ Sir Donald Cameron to C.O., Lagos, 14 February 1934, C.O. 583/197/21096/1.Google Scholar

¹³¹ See Kirk-Greene, A. H. M., The Principles of Native Administration in Nigeria: Selected Documents 1900–1947 (London, 1965), 198.Google Scholar

¹³² See Ibid. 193–200. Although Cameron's Principles of Native Administration, from which the extracts in Kirk-Greene's Principles of Native Administration are taken, was not published until 1934, its contents pertaining to the constitution of native authorities were known to the senior administrative officers in Nigeria as early as 1931. See Sir Donald Cameron to C.O., Lagos, 10 December 1931, C.O. 583/177/1058. The publication of Cameron's memoranda of native administration as contained in his Principles of Native Administration was authorized by the C.O. They were intended to serve as a guide for administrative officers in Nigeria. They replaced Lugard's memoranda of 1906 on the same subject.

¹³³ See A1-Hajj, ‘Mahdist tradition’, 217.Google Scholar

¹³⁴ See Tibenderana, P. K., ‘The Emirs and the spread of Western education in northern Nigeria, 1910–1946’, J. Afr. Hist. xxiv (1983), 517–34.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹³⁵ See H. F. Backwell to S.N.P., Sokoto, 29 January 1931, N.N.A.K., Sokprof. 3/1/C.13.Google Scholar

¹³⁶ See C. W. Webster to S.N.P., Sokoto, 15 February 1927, N.N.A.K., Sokprof. 3/1/C.13/E.9/5. The kingmakers voted for Hassan despite his conviction for tax embezzlement in 1927 because they did not regard the offence as serious enough to make Hassan ineligible for appointment of the emirship. I am greatly indebted to Aihaji Junaidu, Waziri of Sokoto, for this information: oral testimony, when interviewed by the author, Sokoto, 1 March 1972.Google Scholar

¹³⁷ H. F. Backwell to S.N.P., Sokoto, 29 January 1931, N.N.A.K., Sokprof. 3/1/C.13.Google Scholar

¹³⁸ Ibid.

¹³⁹ See S.N.P. to H. F. Backwell, Kaduna, 10 March 1931, N.N.A.K., Sokprof. 3/1/C.14/8; and Sir Donald Cameron ‘Speech on the occasion of the installation of the Sultan of Sokoto’, 23 November 1930, N.N.A.I., C.S.O. 26/3/27028/1.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁰ Hassan assumed his duties as Sultan on 19 January 1931 long before his appointment was approved by the Governor. This indicates that Backwell was absolutely sure that Hassan's election would be approved by the Governor, otherwise he could not have allowed him to carry out the functions of the Sultan before his election had been approved.Google Scholar

¹⁴¹ With effect from 1933 the title of the British Officer in charge of Northern Nigeria was downgraded from Lieutenant-Governor to Chief Commissioner.Google Scholar

¹⁴² On the appointment of the emirs in Sokoto province during the 1930s and 1940s see H. J. Carrow to S.N.P., Sokoto, 3 November 1934, N.N.A.K., Sokprof. 3/1/C.1;Google ScholarJ. H. Carrow to S.N.P., Sokoto, 22 February 1938, N.N.A.K., Sokprof. 3/1/C.5/3/48;Google Scholar and J. H. Carrow to S.N.P., Sokoto, 5 December 1941, N.N.A.K., Sokprof. 3/1/C.3/10/1920/89.Google Scholar

¹⁴³ From the British point of view a good emir was one who was not too old, loyal to the government, popular with the people, receptive to modern ideas, literate in Roman script, and not too dogmatic in religious matters which the British feared would lead to conservatism.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁴ The indirect rule system as practised in Nigeria left much initiative to the man on the spot especially the Resident. We should therefore not expect complete uniformity in the way chiefs were appointed regardless of the existence of the government's guidelines on the matter. It was still possible for a determined Resident to badger the kingmakers to vote for a candidate of his own choice without seriously violating the concept of acceptability. For a few such cases see Smith, M. G., Government, 234–36;Google Scholar and Ayandele, ‘Changing Position of the Awujales’, 242–49.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁵ See Kimble, D., A Political History of Ghana: the Rise of Gold Coast Nationalism, 1850–1928 (Oxford, 1963), 464–505;Google Scholar and Dunbar, A. R., A History of Bunyoro-Kitara (Nairobi, 1965), 136–7.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁶ See G. J. Letham to J. H. Carrow, Sokoto, 7 November 1933, N.N.A.K., Sokprof. 3/1/C.31;Google ScholarSir Donald Cameron to Philip Sir Cunliffe-Lister, Lagos, 10 December 1931, C.O. 583/177/1058;Google Scholar and Apter, D. E., Ghana in Transition (New York, 1968), 131–58;Google Scholar and Kimble, Political History of Ghana, 87–124.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁷ On opposition to the authority of chiefs by the Western-educated elite and their contribution to the rise of nationalism in some British territories see Low, D. A., Buganda in Modern History (London, 1971), 139–226;Google ScholarColeman, J. S., Nigeria: Background to Nationalism (Berkeley, 1971), esp. 141–66;Google ScholarStephens, H. W., The Political Transformation of Tanganyika, 1920–1967 (New York, 1968) esp. 30–155;Google Scholar and Ayandele, E. A., The Educated Elite in Nigerian Society (Ibadan, 1974).Google Scholar