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³ John, Iliffe, The African Poor: a History (Cambridge, 1987), 2.Google Scholar

⁴ See John, Iliffe, ‘Poverty in nineteenth-century Yorubaland’, J. Afr. Hist., XXV (1984), 43–57Google Scholar; Iliffe, , African Poor, 82–8.Google Scholar

⁵ Peel, , ‘Poverty’, 466.Google Scholar

⁶ Peel, J. D. Y., ‘The pastor and the babalawo: the interaction of religions in nineteenth-century Yorubaland’, Africa, LX (1990), 357–9.Google Scholar

⁷ Peel, , ‘Poverty’, 477.Google Scholar

⁸ Ibid, 482.

⁹ Iliffe, , ‘Poverty’, 57.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Peel's article contains another misrepresentation which, although not germane to the present argument, must be refuted here in order to avoid later confusion. In ‘Poverty’, 466, he describes Goody's ‘contrast of extensive and intensive agriculture’ as ‘loosely correlating with Iliffe's two types of structural poverty’, i.e. labour-scarce and resourcescarce poverty. This is to miss a central point in my argument. I argued (African Poor, 14), for example, that Ethiopia (and perhaps Hausaland) in the nineteenth century had intensive agriculture (in Goody's terms) but labour-scarce poverty (in my terms).

¹¹ Chambers's Twentieth Century Dictionary (new edition, Edinburgh, 1964), 59Google Scholar, gives as its primary definition of the adjective ‘ascetic’: ‘rigorous in mortifying the flesh’. Weber's definition is in Max Weber, Economy and Society (2 vols.) (ed. Roth, G. and Wittich, C., Berkeley, 1978), 1, 541–5.Google ScholarPeel, , ‘Poverty’, 479Google Scholar, appears to misunderstand Weber's distinction between asceticism and mysticism.

¹² Peel, , ‘Poverty’, 466.Google Scholar

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¹⁶ Peel, , ‘Poverty’, 484.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Ibid. 469.

¹⁸ Ibid. 472.

¹⁹ Ibid. 470.

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³⁰ Cowell, E. B. (ed.), The Jataka or Stories of the Buddha's Former Births (7 vols) (Cambridge, 1895–1913), IV, 34.Google Scholar See also Lamotte, Etienne, Histoire du bouddhisme indien (Louvain-la-neuve, 1976), 79.Google Scholar

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