¹ Joāo, dos Santos, ‘Ethiopia Oriental’, in Theal, G. M., Records of South Eastern Africa, VII, 271.Google Scholar

² Letter of Pedro Vaz Soares, factor of Sofala, to King Manuel, 30 June 1513 (R.S.E.A. vol. I).

³ Information on the fairs is contained in the major Portuguese chroniclers of the sixteenth and seventeenth century: FatherMonclaros, S. J. Monclaros, S. J., Relaçao da Viagem Q. Fizeram os Padres da Campanha de Jesus co Francisco Barreto na Conquista de Monomotapa no anno de 1569, published by Theal in R.S.E.A., vol. III; Father Joāo dos Santos, O.P., ‘Ethiopia Oriental’, R.S.E.A., vol. VII; Antonio Bocarro, Decadas da India in R.S.E.A., vols. III and IV,Google Scholar under the name of Pedro, Barretto de Rezende; Antonio, da Conceição, ‘Tratado dos Rios da Cuama’, in O Chronista de Tissuary, ed. Cunha, Rivara (Goa, 1867–1869).Google Scholar The archaeological reports on the fairs are contained in Garlake, P. S., ‘Ancient Portuguese church at Jumbo’, The Rhodesian Science News, I no. 4 (08 1967).Google Scholar Also ‘Seventeenth-century Portuguese earthworks in Rhodesia’, South African Archaeological Bulletin, XXI, no. 84, pt. iv (01 1967).Google Scholar

⁴ Santos, J. dos, loc. cit. VII, 271.Google Scholar

⁵ Monclaros, , op. cit., R.S.E.A. III, 228.Google Scholar

⁶ Francisco, de Sousa, O Oriente Conquistado (Lisbon, 1710), 605.Google Scholar

⁷ Abraham, D. P., ‘The early political history of the empire of Mwene Mutapa (850–1589)’, note 79 (the MS is Ajuda 5I-iv-45), in Historians in Tropical Africa (Salisbury, 1962).Google Scholar

⁸ Santos, J. dos, op. cit., R.S.E.A. VII, 290.Google Scholar

⁹ Lobato, A., Colonização Senhorial da Zambesi (Lisbon, 1962), 98–99.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Monclaros, , op. cit., R.S.E.A. III, 238.Google Scholar

¹¹ The events of these years are described in Antonio, Bocarro, op. cit., and in the treaty of cession, R.S.E.A. v, 287.Google Scholar

¹² For Bayão's career see Manuel, Bàrreto, Informação do Estado e Conquista dos Rios de Cuama (1667), in R.S.E.A. vol. III;Google ScholarBoxer, C. R., ‘Sisnando Dies Bayão: conquistador of the Mae d'ouro’, Primeiro Congresso da Historia da Expansao Portuguesa no Mundo, vol. III (Lisbon, 1938);Google Scholar ‘Viagem que fez Antonio Gomes’, ed. Axelson, Studia, no. 3; von Sicard, H., ‘A Proposito Sisnando Dies Bayão’, Studia, no. 16; document in A.H.U. Moçambique Maço I, dated 10 Sept. 1830, discussing the perpetual tenure of Cheringoma by Bayão's descendants; Moç. Cx. 14. docs dated 16/8/74.Google Scholar

¹³ Antonio, Bocarro, op. cit. The depositions of the witnesses in the appeal are printed in Arquivo das Colonias, v, no. 3 (05 1930).Google Scholar

¹⁴ Emphyteusis is a type of land tenure in Roman law which recognizes the dual rights of the owner of land and the user. The latter has possession often for a number of lives or for perpetuity, but owes a quit-rent to the former, who retains certain rights in case of the sale of the land or in case it is in any way ruined. The term prazo was in use in the Middle Ages in Portugal to describe the land leased by this sort of tenure. See de Almeida Costa, M. J. B., Origem da Enfiteuse no Direito Portugues (Coimbra, 1957).Google Scholar For further discussion see Newitt, M., ‘The Zambezi prazos in the eighteenth century’, chaps. 1, 2 (London Ph.D. thesis, 1967).Google Scholar

¹⁵ For the colonizing expedition see Axelson, E.. Portuguese in South East Africa 1600–1700 (Johannesburg, 1960). The arrangement for endowing the girls is in a letter from the regent to the viceroy dated 14 Mar. 1675. Lobato has pointed out the relevance of the experience of the Portuguese in India to their decision with regard to the prazos. Many of the regulations for India which are contained in the Indice das Ordens. Leys. Alvaras e Provizões de Sua Magde, B.M. Add. MSS 28,163, deal with problems which were later to recur on the Zambezi.Google Scholar

¹⁶ There does not exist any comparative study of the Portuguese captaincies and other colonial institutions, but the debate on the nature of the Brazilian captaincies is clearly set out in Marchant, A., ‘Feudal and capitalist elements in the Portuguese settlement of Brazil’, Hispanic American Historical Review, vol. XXI (1942).Google Scholar

¹⁷ de Barbosa de Vilas Boas Truão, A. N., Estatictica dos Rios de Senna do anno de 1806.Google Scholar

¹⁸ This debate is best set out in Pedro, Alvares, ‘O Regime dos Prazos da Zambesia’, Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa (1916).Google Scholar

¹⁹ Writing in 1790, Nogueira de Andrade, J. J. said that the Zambezi donnas used to despise a marriage with an Indian or man of colour, but this has long ceased to be the case and these marriages are common. ‘Descripção em qe ficaram os negocios de capitania de Moçambique em fins de 1789 e considerações sobre a decadencia do seu commercio’, Arquivo das Colonias (1917–1918), 118.Google Scholar

²⁰ Moç, A.H.U.. Cx. Av. 4, F. de Mello e Castro to Viceroy, 28 12 1757.Google Scholar

²¹ Moç., A.H.U. Cx. Av. 7, Letter Patent dated 30 08 1759 of B. C. de Sa Botelho creating the office of Tanador-mor with the duty of seeing the prazos were cultivated and their rent paid up.Google Scholar

²² Orders to this effect are dated 1759 and 1779. In 1825 the Conselho Ultramarino ordered that no confirmation for titles would be granted unless the holder was a resident (A.H.U. Moç, Maço 1). In Documentação Avulsa Moçambicana, ed. Santana, F. (Lisbon, 1964), Maço 1, doc. 20.Google Scholar

²³ Decree of 3 April 1760 (A.H.U. Moç, Cx. Av. 8). The actual terms said that if the land had a river or sea frontage or had minerals on it, it was not to exceed half a square league.

²⁴ Report of Marc Antonio Montaury on the petition of Antonio Correa Monteiro de Mattos (Moç, A.H.U., Cx. Av. 9, 15 07 1761).Google Scholar

²⁵ de Lacerda e Almeida, F., ‘Diario da Viagem de Moçambique para os Rios de Senna’ (Lisbon, 1889),Google Scholar printed in Travessia de Africa, ed. Murias, M. (Lisbon, 1936).Google Scholar

²⁶ The terms of the grants usually only specify that the land may not be alienated to the church and that a certain rent shall be paid. The lack of codification of the laws regarding the prazos is made clear in a memorandum of the Concelho Ultramarino dated 1830, in which the council complains that it has no record of some of the regulations cited in a certain case (Doc. Av. Moç. Maço 1, docs. 107/1 to 107/11).

²⁷ In the early part of the eighteenth century Sena had an official garrison. This certainly never exceeded 100 men. In 1778 the complement was two companies of fifty men each—one of infantry and one of artillery. This garrison had to supply officers and men for the other two official garrisons in the Rivers, at Manica and Zimbabwe. There can seldom have been twenty regular troops ready to take the field at any one time. Later Tete became the garrison town. These troops were badly supplied and paid and their role was to act as a stiffening for the African auxiliaries without whom no campaign was ever launched.

²⁸ Bocarro, , op. cit., R.S.E.A. III, 356, 373.Google Scholar

²⁹ Do Estado da India,Google Scholar Rezende's MS of Bocarro, , printed in R.S.E.A. II, 408.Google Scholar

³⁰ There are lists of the tribute obtained from the prazos of Cheringoma and Gorongosa which include payments in ivory, wax, fowls, oil, honey, meat, dried fish, cloth, gold dust, salt, sugar, wood, mealies. These documents are extracted from the archives of the Ministerio do Reino in Lisbon and are printed in Carvalho, Dias, Fontes para a Historia, Geografia e Commercio de Moçambique, Anais, vol. IX (Lisbon, 1954).Google Scholar

³¹ See Dias, op. cit., inventories of Gorongosa and Cheringoma.

³² For a description of this system see Antonio, Pinto Miranda, ‘Memoria sobre a costa de Africa’, in de Andrade, A. A., Relações de Moçambique Setecentista (Lisbon, 1955).Google Scholar

³³ The position of the chuanga is described in Monteiro, and Gamitto, , King Kazembe, ed. Cunnison, , II (Lisbon, 1960), 186–7. The chuanga was an official post borrowed from the Maravi tribes. Bive kept a chuanga at the Portuguese mining camps to see that his rights were protected.Google Scholar

³⁴ An anonymous prazo-holder who wrote an account of his very active life in the first half of the eighteenth century says: ‘in this operation I took fifteen thousand Africans, most of them being my own…;’ (see note 38 below). Miranda's figures for slave numbers give the following result: 1 with 6,000 slaves, 9 with 1,000 or more, 10 with 500–1,000 slaves, 13 with 100–500 and 6 with 100 or less. See Miranda, , op. cit. 255–7. Although detailed, these figures are almost certainly exaggerated by at least a half. The owner of Cheringoma is quoted by him to own 6,000 slaves, but the detailed inventory printed in Anais, vol. IX, shows Cheringoma had only 942 slaves. Cheringoma was the largest of the prazos.Google Scholar

³⁵ Inventario do Fundo do Secuk xviii, ed. Montes, (Lourenço Marques, 1958), doc. 162, report of Manuel da Costa to Ignacio de Mello Alvim, Zumbo, a Mar. 1769.Google Scholar

³⁶ David, and Charles, Livingstone, The Zambesi and Its Tributaries (London, 1865), 49–50.Google Scholar

³⁷ For instance, adjuntos met to discuss war preparations against Changamire in 1693, to meet ambassadors from chiefs, to discuss important policy decisions like those concerned with moving the town of Sena to Mount Morumbala and the re-establishment of the fair at Dambarari, to decide on allocation of duties in the restoration of the forts or the capture of a criminal, to choose an interim governor when the letters of succession were lost, etc.

³⁸ See the anonymous report of a prazo-holder in A.H.U. Moç. Cx. 3, reproduced in translation in M. Newitt, ‘The Zambesi prazos in the eighteenth century’.

³⁹ There is no good description of the Maravi gold-rush, but see ‘A Dominican account of the Zambesi in 1744’ (ed. Boxer, ), Boletim do Sociedade de Estudos de Moçambique, XXIX (1960);Google ScholarManuel, Galvão de Silva, Diario ou Relãçao dos Viagens Philosophicas… in Annaes do Concelho Ultramarino, (1859–1860)Google Scholar and in Dias, , op. cit., Anais, IX; Monteiro and Gamitto, King Kazembe; Anon., ‘Memorias da Costa da Africa Oriental…’, (1762, perhaps by Francisco Raimundo Moraes Pereira) in Andrade, op. cit.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Lacerda, , Diario da Viagem.Google Scholar

⁴¹ D. and C. Livingstone, op. cit.

⁴² Ibid.. 406.

⁴³ Richard, Thornton, The Zambezi Papers of Richard Thornton, ed. Tabler, , I (London, 1963), 52, 55;Google ScholarJohn, Kirk, The Zambezi Journal and Letters of Doctor John Kirk, ed. Foskett, , I (London, 1965), 64.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Omer-Cooper, J. D., The Zulu Aftermath (London, 1966), 64–86,Google Scholar and Carlos, Wiese, ‘Expedição Portuguesa a M'Peseni’, Boletim da Sociedade da Geografia de Lisboa, X (1891), XI (1892).Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Decrees dated 13 Aug. 1832 and 22 Dec. 1854.

⁴⁶ Decree of 1 Dec. 1869. See Mousinho, d'Albuquerque, Moçambique (Lisbon, 1899), 171–3.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ An account of this legislation is contained in Duffy, , Portuguese Africa (London, 1961), chap. 6.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ The standard account of the da Cruz family is D'Eça, F. Almeida, Historia das Guerras no Zambesi, 2 vols. (Lisbon, 1953–1954).Google Scholar This contains an extensive bibliography. For Beichior do Nascimento see Kirk, , op. cit. 442, 450. Also Paul, Guyot, ‘Voyage au Zambèse’, Société de Géographie de l'Est Bulletin, nos. 1882–6.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ There is no history of the Pereiras. The origins of the family are given in F. de Lacerda e Almeida, report dated 22 Mar. 1798 from Tete and printed in Travessia do Africa, 384–95. The traditional history of the Pereiras was written down by Victor, Courtois S.J., in 1885 and can be found in ‘Terras de Macanga’, Boletim da Sociedade da Geografia da Lisboa (1885).Google Scholar Also Foa, E., Du Cap au Lae Nyasa (Paris, 1901).Google Scholar

⁵⁰ See , D. and Livingstone, C., op. cit. 24–8, 402–3; Kirk, op. cit. 106–7; Thornton, op. cit. 70–1, The Zambesi Journals of James Stewart (London, 1952), II, 154.Google Scholar

⁵¹ João, de Azevedo Coutinho, Manuel Antonio de Sousa (Lisbon, 1936).Google Scholar

⁵² For a description of the aringa of the da Cruz, see Newitt, M. and Garlake, P. S., ‘The aringa at Massangano’, J. Afr. Hist. VIII, no. 1 (1967).Google Scholar

⁵³ Good personal descriptions of the leading Pereiras and da Cruz are contained in Courtois, , ‘Terras da Macanga’ and ‘Uma Viagem do Missionario Courtois’, Arquivo das Colonias, II, no. 12 (06 1918).Google Scholar

⁵⁴ ‘Territorio de Machingire’, Termos da Vassalagem, nos Territorios de Machona, Zambesi e Nyasa (Lisbon, 1890), no. 16.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Newitt and Garlake, op. cit.

⁵⁶ Courtois, ‘Terras de Macanga’. The Pereiras described themselves as chefes superiores in Termos Da Vassalagem, no. 12.

⁵⁷ Delfim, José de Oliveira, A Provincia de Moçambique e O Bonga (Coimbra, 1879), 9.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ For a brief account of the Zambesi wars in English see Newitt and Garlake, op. cit. Almeida De Eça gives a detailed history which does not include the campaigns of 1887–1888. The best account of these is contained in Augusto, de Castilho, Relatorio des Guerras no Zambesi (Lisbon, 1891),Google Scholar and in Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa (1887), Paiva de Andrade, ‘Camparthas da Zambezia (1888–9), Relatorio do Major Paiva de Andrade’. These two accounts best bring out the feud between Sousa and the da Cruz.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Azevedo Coutinho, op. cit., and Kerr, W. Montagu, The Far Interior, 2 vols. (London, 1886).Google Scholar

⁶⁰ The best general account of this incident is still Warhurst, P. R., Anglo-Portuguese Relations in South Central Africa (London, 1962).Google Scholar

⁶¹ Carlos Wiese, op. cit. Wiese was German, and his first name more properly Karl.

⁶² Montagu, Kerr, op. cit., II, 272–7.Google Scholar

⁶³ See Termos do Vassalagem, nos. 11, 13, 16.

⁶⁴ Montagu, Kerr, op. cit. II, 275.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Compagnie à Charte de Mozambique (Paris, 1899), Anon., 38–9, quoting the report of Xavier Hoffer.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ See de Azevedo Coutinho, J., A Campanha do Barue em 1902 (Lisbon, 1904).Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Stanford, 1966.