² On slavery see, for example, Meillassoux, C., éd., L'Esclavage en Afrique précoloniale (Paris, 1975)Google Scholar and Miers, S. and Kopytoff, I., eds, Slavery in Africa (Wisconsin, 1977)Google Scholar. See too, Law, R., ‘Slaves, trade, and taxes: the material basis of political power in precolonial West Africa’, Research in Economic Anthropology, i (1978), 37–52.Google Scholar

³ See, seminally, Coquery-Vidrovitch, C., ‘Research on an African mode of production’, Critique of Anthropology, iv/v (1975), 38–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See too, Terray, E., Marxism and ‘Primitive‘ Societies (New York and London, 1972)Google Scholar, and ‘Class consciousness in the Abron kingdom of Gyaman’, in Bloch, M., ed., Marxist Analyses and Social Anthropology (London, 1975)Google Scholar. See too, the curiously redolent synchronie functionalism of Meillassoux, C., Anthropologie économique des Gouro de Côte d'Ivoire (Paris, 1964)Google Scholar. Perhaps the most outré examples are the highly Althusserian Hindess, B. and Hirst, P. Q., Precapitalist Modes of Production (London, 1975)Google Scholar, and Seddon, D., ed., Relations of Production: Marxist approaches to economic anthropology (London, 1978)Google Scholar. A salutary corrective is to be found in Law, R., ‘In search of a Marxist perspective on pre-colonial tropical Africa’, Journal of African History, xix, iii (1978), 441–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar. A sensible discussion of the underlying problems is Le Goff, J., ‘Is Politics Still the Backbone of History?’, Daedalus (1971), 1–19.Google Scholar

⁴ McCaskie, T. C., ‘Social rebellion and the inchoate rejection of history: Some reflections on the career of Opon Asibe Tutu’Google Scholar, and ‘The history of the Manwere Nkoa at Drobonso’, Asante Seminar '76, iv (1976), 34–8Google Scholar and vi (1976), 33–8.

⁵ See for example Christaller, J. G., Dictionary of the Asante and Fante Language called Tshi (Twi) (Basel, 1933), 121.Google Scholar

⁶ See conveniently Hagan, G. P., ‘Ashanti bureaucracy: a study of the growth of centralized administration in Ashanti from the time of Osei Tutu to the time of Osei Tutu Kwamina Esibe Bonsu’, Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana, xii (1971), 43–62.Google Scholar

⁷ For the problems see Lewin, T., ‘The political organization of space in Asante’, Asante Seminar '76, iv (1976), 25–33Google Scholar, v (1976), 15–21, vi (1976), 22–32.

⁸ For the most recent work on ranking see Wilks, I., ‘Asante officialdom: a note on scaling by rank’Google Scholar, and ‘Asante officialdom: a further note on ranking’, Asante Seminar 75, 2 (1975). 18–20Google Scholar, and Asantesem, vii (1977), 19–21Google Scholar. For the problems of the British see N. A. G. Accra, ADM 11/1338, Enquiry into the Adonten Stool by Furness–Smith, C., 24 March 1925.Google Scholar

⁹ Royal Anthropological Institute (London), Rattray, R. S. MSS, 4, commenced 4 June 1925Google Scholar, ‘Ashanti Law and Constitution’.

¹⁰ For Panin, Kwaku Du on nnonkofooGoogle Scholar see Methodist Missionary Society (London), MS, Journal of Freeman, T. B., entry for 23 December 1841.Google Scholar

¹¹ See Manhyia Record Office (Kumase), File 33/4, The Affiliation of the Kumasi Tribes, June 1945Google Scholar, and enclosures.

¹² For a telling discussion see Wilks, I., ‘The golden stool and the elephant tail: an essay on wealth in Asante’, Research in Economic Anthropology, ii (1979)Google Scholar, forthcoming. I am grateful to Wilks for making this paper available to me in draft form.

¹³ This reconstruction is based on materials gathered in Kumase in 1975–1976Google Scholar. I am once more grateful to those listed in footnote I above, and to those office holders who answered questions following the Kumase Traditional Council meeting of 18 December 1975. The 1941 material is in The Gold Coast Chiefs List (Accra, 1941), 196–7.Google Scholar

¹⁴ For the regnal dates of Kwaku Dua Panin see Kea, R. A., ‘The chronology of the Asante kings: a note on the death of Asantehene Osei Yaw Akoto’Google Scholar, and Yarak, L. and Wilks, I., ‘A further note on the death of Asantehene Osei Yaw Akoto and on the enstoolment of Kwaku Dua Panin’, Asantessm, ix (1978), 55 and 56–7Google Scholar. For eyewitness accounts of his death see Instituut voor Taal–, Land–, en Volkenkunde, Leiden, MS H–509, de Heer, P., Aanhangsel: Journaalgehouden te Comassee door eenen tapoeier (1866–1867)Google Scholar and Rottmann, W., ‘Mose der Koransier’, Der Evangelische Heidenbote (Basel, 1892), 76–8.Google Scholar

¹⁵ McCaskie, T. C., ‘The Paramountcy of Asantehene Kwaku Dua Panin (1834–1867): a Study in Asante Political Culture’, Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge (1974).Google Scholar

¹⁶ Op. cit.

¹⁷ For the aphorism see Rattray, R. S., Ashanti Proverbs: the Primitive Ethics of a Savage People (Oxford, 1916)Google Scholar. For the adaka kese and the wealth of Kwaku Dua Panin I am grateful for discussion to Manwerehene Nana Kwabena Boaten and to I. Wilks (and especially for a copy of his 13–14 April 1966 interview with Opanin Kwaku Owusu). General context may be found in Wilks, I., Asante in the Nineteenth Century: the Structure and Evolution of a Political Order (Cambridge, 1975).Google Scholar

¹⁸ For the aban see Freeman, , Journal, entry for 28 December 1841Google Scholar and for its looting in 1874 see Stanley, H. M., Coomassie and Magdala: the Story of Two British Campaigns in Africa (London, 1874), 232–4Google Scholar, Brackenbury, H., The Ashanti War (London, 1874), ii, 240–1Google Scholar, and Wolseley, G., The Story of a Soldier's Life (London, 1903), ii, 360–3Google Scholar. On Heman see McCaskie, T. C., interviews with Nana Kwabena Boaten, Kumase, December 1975 – January 1976Google Scholar. On Eburaso see Accra, N. A. G., ADM 1/2/4, Diary of Governor Winniet, 1848Google Scholar and Methodist Missionary Society (London), MS. of an unpublished book by Freeman, T. B., ca. 1860, 121–2Google Scholar. On Amanhyia see ibid., Hart, to General Secretaries, Kumase, 13 May 1850Google Scholar and Gros, J., Voyages, Aventures et Captivité de J. Bonnat chez les Achantis (Paris, 1884), 158CrossRefGoogle Scholar. A brief reference to Besease is in Manhyia Record Office (Kumase), Gyaase Tribunal, 20 September 1930Google Scholarin re Ata Kwasi vs. Kwaku Donkor. I am currently preparing a paper on nineteenth century royal residences.

¹⁹ The History of Asante (MS), prepared by a Committee of Traditional Authorities under the Chairmanship of Asantehene Osei Agyeman Prempeh II, n.d. The Asante Collective Biography Project is grateful to the late Asantehene for permission to consult his copy of this manuscript.

²⁰ On the end of the war see Methodist Missionary Society (London), Chapman to General Secretaries, Kumase, 21 June 1844Google Scholar and Tremearne, A. J. N., ‘Extracts from the Diary of the late Rev. John Martin’, Man, 73–4 (1912), 138CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the Gonja per spective see Braimah, J. A., The Ashanti and the Gonja at War (Accra, 1970).Google Scholar

²¹ McCaskie, , ‘Paramountcy’, 100–5.Google Scholar

²² For Kwasi Brantuo's death see General State Archives (The Hague), NBKG 721Google Scholar, Heer, de to Kumase, Elias, 17 December 1865Google Scholar. For the career in general see ACBP/pcs/51/Kwasi Brantuo, , Asantesem, vii (1977), 14–17Google Scholar. The basic sources are T. C. McCaskie, interviews with Boaten, Nana Kwabena, Boakye, Asabi II, and representatives of Ayebiakyere, Kumase, 1975–6,Google ScholarManhyia Record Office (Kumase), Village Affairs (73)Google Scholar. 1950–1 and Asantehene's Divisional Court B, 52, 6 September 1950Google Scholarin re Man–werehene vs. Kyei Traa. I am also grateful to informants in Kumase for answering specific questions by post.

²³ For the dynastic history see Manhyia Record Office (Kumase), The History of the Ashanti Kings and the Whole Country Itself, by Asantehene Agyeman Prempe, commenced 6 August 1907Google Scholar. For the political implications see McCaskie, , Paramountcy, 75 ffGoogle Scholar. and Wilks, , Asante, 356–70.Google Scholar

²⁴ On Nkwantanan see Institute of African Studies (Legon), IASAS/23: Boakye Yam Stool History. See too ACBP/pcs/8/Akyampon Yaw and ACBP/pcs/6/ Tia, Akyampon, Asantesɛm, 9 (1978), 5–14 and 33–6Google Scholar. I am also grateful to I. Wilks for copies of his 1965 interviews with Nana Boakye Yam.

²⁵ See McCaskie, T. C., interviews with Nana Kwabena Boaten and okyeame Boakye Tenten, Kumase, 1975–1976Google Scholar. For the revised chronology of the period see Yarak, L. and Wilks, I., ‘The chronology of the Asante kings: a further revision’, Asantesam, viii (1978), 39–40.Google Scholar

²⁶ Manhyia Record Office (Kumase), Manwerehene vs. Kyei Traa and Palaver File (1948–1949)Google Scholar, correspondence relevant to the Manwere stool.

²⁷ ibid., CRB 14, 1931–2, in re Kwame Fosu vs. Osei Kwame. See further for the context ACBP/pcs/60/Yamoa Ponko and ACBP/pcs/39/Owusu Dome, Asantesεm, ix (1978), 28–32Google Scholar and x (1979), 9–15.

²⁸ See Manhyia Record Office (Kumase), Kumawuhene vs. Manwerehene, 1935Google Scholar. For a discussion see McCaskie, , ‘Manwere Nkoa’.Google Scholar

²⁹ McCaskie, , ‘ Paramountcy ’, 221–9.Google Scholar

³⁰ Manhyia Record Office (Kumase), CRB 54 BI, 1951, in reGoogle Scholar Boakye Dankwa vs. Kwame Kobi and T. C. McCaskie, interviews with Agyeman, I. K., Kumase, , 1975–1976.Google Scholar

³¹ idem.

³² Manhyia Record Office (Kumase), CRB 13, 1938Google Scholar, inre Yaw Mensa vs. KwadwoApea Agyei.

³³ ibid., Palaver Book, 1940–1943Google Scholar, in re Sekyere, Yaw vs. Wuo, Kwaku and Village Affairs (73), 1950–1951Google Scholar. See too the references cited in McCaskie, , ‘Manwere Nkoa’.Google Scholar

³⁴ Rattray, , Proverbs, 162.Google Scholar

³⁵ McCaskie, T. C., interviews with Nana Kwabena Boaten, Kumase, 1975–1976.Google Scholar

³⁶ Wilks, , ‘Golden stool’.Google Scholar

³⁷ The other two were Gyaasewahene Opoku Frefre and Ankobeahene Kwaku Tawia. For a revealing discussion see Manhyia Record Office (Kumase), CRB 6/7, 1929Google Scholar, in re Kwaku Adae vs. Kofi Adu.

³⁸ For the ceremony see Furness–Smith, , ‘Enquiry’Google Scholar. For what was clearly Kwasi Brantuo's performance of the rites see Methodist Missionary Society (London), West to General Secretaries, Cape Coast, 9 June 1862Google Scholar (and in Wesleyan Methodist Magazine, October 1862)Google Scholar. T. C. McCaskie, interviews with Boaten, Nana Kwabena and Boakye, Asabi II, Kumase, 1975–1976Google Scholar. Manhyia Record Office (Kumase), Letters on the Affairs of Adiebeba.

³⁹ T. C. McCaskie, interviews with Boakye, Asabi II and representatives of Ayebiakyere, Kumase, 1975–1976Google Scholar. See too IASAS/66: Dua okyeame Stool History, IASAS/83: Some, IASAS/84: Ayebiakyere, IASAS/204: Nkontonko, IASAS/unaccessioned: Akomfere and IASAS/unaccessioned: Apea okyeame. See interestingly Reindorf, C. C., History of the Gold Coast and Asante (Basel, 1895), 119.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ T. C. McCaskie, interviews with Agyeman, I. K., Kumase, , 1975–1976.Google Scholar

⁴¹ McCaskie, , ‘Paramountcy’, 217–54.Google Scholar

⁴² See Prempe, Agyeman, Ashanti KingsGoogle Scholar for the genealogy. For ancillary material see McCaskie, T. C., ‘Asantehene Agyeman Prempe's Account to the Asanteman of his Exile from Kumase, 1896–1924’, Asantesem, vii (1977), 32–42.Google Scholar

⁴³ It is popularly recalled in tradition that the five hundredth child of Kwaku Dua Panin was a resident of Tetrem (6876000).

⁴⁴ See ACBP/pcs/20/Owusu Koko, Asante Seminar’76, iv (1976), 5–10Google Scholar, for some account of the context.

⁴⁵ Takyiaw, Akua is Takyiawo, (‘a favourite wife of King Kwaku Dua I’)Google Scholar after whom a textile pattern is named. See Rattray, R. S., Religion and Art in Ashanti (Oxford, 1927), 243.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ This reconstruction is based on Manhyia Record Office (Kumase), Palaver Book 4, folio 437, 1942–1943Google Scholar, in re Kwaku Dua vs. Kofi Fofie and T. C. McCaskie, interviews with Nana Kwabena Boaten, Boakye, Asabi II and okyeame Boakye Tenten, Kumase, 1975–1976Google Scholar. For an interesting statement on the matter by Ansa, Somehene Boakye see Lewin, T., ‘The Structure of Political Conflict in Asante 1875–1900’, Ph.D. thesis, Northwestern (1974), ii, 311Google Scholar. I intend further to explore the origins of Some, Ayebiakyere and Akomfode in a future issue of Asantesɛm.

⁴⁷ The evidence is summed up in McCaskie, T. C., ‘Fining and fiscal policy under Asantehene Kwaku Dua Panin, 1834–67’Google Scholar, forthcoming.

⁴⁸ In terms of understanding here I am especially grateful to Asabi Boakye II and Anthony Kwadwo. For the material bases of these offices in this century see, for example, Manhyia Record Office (Kumase), Letters File on the Composition of the Ankobea.

⁴⁹ McCaskie, , ‘Paramounty’, 290–7.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Some account may be found in Further Correspondence, C. 4052, 1884Google Scholar, Barrow, to Governor, Accra, 5 July 1883.Google Scholar

⁵¹ T. C. McCaskie, interviews with Nana Kwabena Boaten, Kumase, 1975–1976 and The History of Asante (MS). The execution of Kyei Kwame is very likely the event referred to in Ramseyer, F. A. and Kühne, J., Four Years in Ashantee (New York and London, 1875). 165–6.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵² See ACBP/pcs/2/Adu Bofo, Asante Seminar ’75, 1 (1975), 10–14Google Scholar. For a traditional account see Gyaase Stool (MS), prepared by Frefre, Gyaasehene Opoku II, n0.d. (but in the early 1970s).Google Scholar

⁵³ See Wilks, , ‘Further note on ranking’.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ See ACBP/pcs/30/Kwaku Bosommuru Dwira, in course of preparation.

⁵⁵ See ACBP/pcs/II/Asabi Antwi, Asante Seminar ’76, vi (1976), 14–20Google Scholar. For an account of his death see British Museum (London), Add. MSS 41996.

⁵⁶ I am preparing an extended paper in enlargement of this theme.

⁵⁷ The standard account is Tordoff, W., Ashanti under the Prempehs 1888–1935, (Oxford, 1965).Google Scholar

⁵⁸ For the full text see the extremely useful article by Arhin, K., ‘Some Asante views of colonial rule: as seen in the controversy relating to death duties’, Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana, xv, i (1974), 63–84.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Manhyia Record Office (Kumase), CRB 4, 1928Google Scholar, in re Osei Yaw vs. Yaw Bredwa.

⁶⁰ Wilks, , Asante.Google Scholar

⁶¹ idem. See too Aidoo, A. A., ‘The Asante succession crisis, 1883–8’, Trans. Hist. Soc. Ghana, xiii, ii (1972), 163–80Google Scholar; ‘Political Crisis and Social Change in the Asante Kingdom 1867–1901’. Ph.D. thesis, U.C.L.A. (1975); and ‘Order and conflict in the Asante empire: a study in interest group relations’, African Studies Review, xx, i (1977), 1–36Google Scholar. See too Lewin, , Structure.Google Scholar

⁶² The History of Asante (MS).

⁶³ For the British view see Rhodes House (Oxford), MSS Brit. Emp. s. 344, Harper papers, Notes on Coomassie Stools, 1923, Fuller, F., A Vanished Dynasty: Ashanti (London, 1921)Google Scholar, and Kumase, N. A. G., File D102, Succession to Kumase StoolsGoogle Scholar. For Manwerehene's views see Manhyia Record Office (Kumase), Palaver File, 1948–1949Google Scholar, in re Akosua Kwaadu vs. Kwasi Brantuo and Letters on the Affairs of Adiebeba.

⁶⁴ See indicatively, ‘Notes on Coomassie Stools’, and Fuller, Dynasty.

⁶⁵ For a survey see Tordoff, Prempehs. For the (continuing) struggle in Bron–Ahafo see Dunn, J. and Robertson, A. F., Dependence and Opportunity: Political Change in Ahafo (Cambridge, 1973)Google Scholar. See too Kumase, N. A. G., File D104, Ahafo Lands and Manhyia Record Office (Kumase), Kumase Village Affairs, 1935–1950.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ IASAS/4: Asrampon, IASAS/71: Omanti, IASAS/19: Nkabom, IASAS/20: Nkabom okyeame, IASAS/107: Nyinahin and IASAS/204: Nkontonko. See too McCaskie, T. C., interviews with Nana Kwabena Boaten, Kumase, 1975–1976Google Scholar, Harper papers, file on Bantama–Nkawe stool relations, and Manhyia Record Office (Kumase), Palaver File, 1948–1949Google Scholar, in re Kwasi Dwuma vs. Kofi Maafo.

⁶⁷ Ashanti Confederacy Council Minutes, 4th Session, 1941Google Scholar. For the context see Triulzi, A., ‘The Asantehene-in-Council: Ashanti politics under colonial rule, 1935–50’, Africa, lxii, ii (1972), 98–111CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Busia, K. A., The Position of the Chief in the Modern Political System of Ashanti (Oxford, 1951), 184.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Manhyia Record Office (Kumase), Kumawuhene vs. Manvverehene, 1935.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Ramseyer, F. A. and Kühne, J., Vier Jahre in Asante (Basel, 1875)Google Scholar, expanded edition, 163–4.

⁷⁰ See footnotes 21 to 30 of McCaskie, ‘Manwere Nkoa’.

⁷¹ idem.

⁷² See Manhyia Record Office (Kumase), File AC/C1/54, Kumawu Stool Lands, 1954Google Scholar. and McCaskie, T. C., interviews with Nana Kwabena Boaten, Kumase, 1975–1976.Google Scholar

⁷³ McCaskie, T. C., interviews with Asabi Boakye II and Anthony Kwadwo, Manhyia Akuropon, 1975Google Scholar. I am grateful for further genealogical material supplied in answer to queries by C. E. Osei-Bonsu. The material offered here is in elaboration of that contained in ACBP/pcs/11/Asabi Antwi.

⁷⁴ Considering its importance, very little detailed work has been done on nineteenth century Dahomey. For the difficulties with Benin history see, indicatively, the essays in Bradbury, R. E., Benin Studies (Oxford, 1973)Google Scholar. For a determinedly Eurocentric approach see Ryder, A. F. C., Benin and the Europeans (London, 1969).Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Finley, M.I., The Ancient Economy (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1973).Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Law, R., The Oyo Empire ca. 1600–ca. 1836: a West African Imperialism in the Era of the Slave Trade (Oxford, 1977).Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Two recent examples of this, selected at random, are Atanda, J. A., The New Oyo Empire: Indirect Rule and Change in Western Nigeria 1894–1934 (London, 1973)Google Scholar and Fika, Adamu Mohammed, The Kano Civil War and British Over-rule, 1882–1940 (Oxford, 1978)Google Scholar. Since both of these books grew out of Ph.D. theses, perhaps any criticism levelled at the selection of topics should be placed on shoulders other than those of the authors. The further besetting question of the almost obscenely urgent desire to rush into print, which certainly arises from considerations other than the purely scholarly, is as widely and knowingly understood as it is as little discussed in print. Regrettably, a consideration of ‘the production of knowledge’ in African history lies beyond the scope of the concerns discussed here.