¹ Quoted in Goody, J., The Ethnography of the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast west of the White Volta (Colonial Office, London, 1954), 12n.Google Scholar

² Goody, J., ‘A note on the Penetration of Islam into the West of the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast”, in Trans. Gold Coast and Togo Hist. Soc., I, ii, 1953, 45–46.Google Scholar

³ See Westermann, D. and Bryan, M. A., The Languages of West Africa (London, 1952), endpiece map.Google Scholar

⁴ Also variously rendered Beeo, Bew, Beego, etc.

⁵ Clozel, F., Dix Ans à la Cô;te-d'Ivoire (Paris, 1906). Notice on Bonduku by Captain Benquey, 190 et seq.Google Scholar

⁶ Ibid.

⁷ Meyerowitz, E., Akan Traditions of Origin (London, 1952), 46.Google Scholar

⁸ Clozel, 1906, 190 et seq.:Google ScholarDelafosse, M., Haut-Sénégal-Niger (Paris, 1912), 1, 279–80;Google ScholarTauxier, L., Le Noir de Bondoukou (Paris, 1921), 70.Google Scholar

⁹ A Map of Part of West Africa (Stanford, London, 1899).Google Scholar

¹⁰ In 1959, I was taken to see a part of the old town through the courtesy of Mallam Yakubu saidu of Namasa. Mrs Meyerowitz was shown a more southerly section, near the village of Hani, by the Hanihene in 1946 (Meyerowitz, 1952), 46. The area is covered with dense vegetation, and an adequate survey would be a major undertaking. In the section visited in 1959 hte old wells were still to be seen, a few standing walls of burnt mud, brick, and many large occupation mounds, now the haunts of hyena.Google Scholar

¹¹ See e.g. Meyerowitx, 1952, 46, recording Hani tradition.Google Scholar Nsoko appears to derive from an old Akan name for the Mande, see Delafosse, 1912, II, 212. It survives in Anyi as Nzoko, in Gonja (Guan) as Nsogo, and in modern Twi, in a form showing Hausa influence, as Nzongo, a generic term for the immigrant (and usually Muslim) quarter of a town.Google Scholar

¹² Dupuis, J., Journal of a Residence in Ashantee (London, 1824), lviii.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹³ Chart 743, dd. 25 Dec. 1629 (state Archives, The Hague). An earlier reference, though not by name, may be that in Schiffarten, S. Brun, in Werken Uitgegeven door de Linschoten-Vereeniging, edited by Naber, S. P. L'Honoré (The Hague, 1913), 58.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Clozel 1906, 190 et seq.;Google ScholarBinger, L., Du Niger au golfe de Guinée (Paris, 1892), II, 161.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Meyerowitz, 1952, 45 and n.2.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Tauxier, 1921, 75.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Ibid., 71.

¹⁸ Sutherland, C. H. V., Gold (London, 1959), 115–18;Google ScholarBovill, E. W., The Golden Trade of the Moor (London, 1958), III–20;Google ScholarGrone, G. R. (ed.), The Voyages of Gadamosto (London, 1937), xi–xvii.Google Scholar

¹⁹ See, e.g. Bovill, 1958, 116.Google Scholar

²⁰ Dubois, F., Timbuctoo the Mysterious, translation by White, Diana (London, 1897), 171–2;Google ScholarFage, J. D., ‘Ancient Ghana: A Review of the Evidence”, in Trans. Hist. Soc. Ghana, III, 2, 1957, 98, n. 45.Google Scholar

²¹ Delafosse, 1912, I, 279.Google Scholar

²² Delafosse, , Vocabulaires comparatifs de plus de 60 langues ou dialectes parlés à; la Côte d'Ivoire et dans les régions limitrophes (Paris, 1904), 166–7.Google Scholar

²³ Tauxier, 1921, 100, n. I.Google Scholar

²⁴ Goody, 1954, 12.Google Scholar

²⁵ Delafosse, 1904, 1904, 168.Google Scholar

²⁶ Tauxier, 1921, 57.Google Scholar

²⁷ Sutherland, D., State Emblems of the Gold Coast (Accra, 1956), 33.Google Scholar

²⁸ W. I. C.: verspreyde stukken, 848, Report by Abramsz dd. 23 Nov., 1969 (State Archives, The Hague);Google Scholar see also Brun, ed. of 1913, 58.Google Scholar Stories of dumb barter in the Bunduku area, embellished with devils fond of red cloth, survived in North Africa into the early nineteenth century, when they were related to Captain Lyon, , see Traves in Northern Africa (London, 1821), 148.Google Scholar

²⁹ Barbot, J., ‘A Description of the Coasts of North and South Guinea”, in Churchill, Collection of Voyages and Travels (London, 1746), v, 165.Google Scholar

³⁰ The route is that given in Bowdich, T. E., A mission from Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee (London, 1819), 181–5.Google Scholar It was still of major importance in the late nineteeth century, see Freeman, R. A., Travels and Lofe in Ashanti and Jaman (London, 1898), 180.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³¹ Es-Sa'di, , Tarikh-es-Soudan, translated by Houdas, O. V. (Paris, 1900).Google Scholar

³² Kufik-inscribed brass pans of early Moroccan or Spanish provenance are still to be seen in Ashanti, Rattray, R. S., Ashanti (London, 1923), 314–15, mentions examples from Nsawkaw and Attebubu. Another fine though battered specimen may be seen in a small grove near the palace of the Ejisuhene.Google Scholar

³³ Goody, 1954, 10–12. The Gonja Mande probably arrived via Bouna.Google Scholar

³⁴ Wilks, I., ‘A note on Twifo and Akwamu”, in Trans. Hist. Soc. Ghana, III, 3, 1958, 215–17.Google Scholar

³⁵ Wilks, , ‘The Rise of the Akwamu Empire, 1650–1710”, in Trans, Hist. Soc. Ghana, III, 2 1957, 99–136.Google Scholar

³⁶ See Meyerowitz, 1952,Google Scholar Passim. But see also Goody, J., ‘Ethnohistory and the Akan of Ghana”, in Africa, xxix, I, 1959, 67–81.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁷ Trimingham, J. S., Isam in West Africa (Oxford, 1959), 19.Google Scholar

³⁸ MS. Chronicle of Iman Imoru Konandi and Al Hajj Mahama, reproduced in translatin in Goody, 1954, App. IV. This chronicle appears to have been finished about 1770, but undoubtedly incorporates older materials. Where cross-checking is possible with European sources, its accuracy is proved.Google Scholar

³⁹ A tradition to this effect is on record, see Goody, 1954, 55, n. 9. which adds that Mohammed Labayitu died at Sampa. The Chronicle of Imam and Al Hajj Mahama records the death of his father, Mallam Ismailia, ‘on their way back to their town”, at Sanfi. Sanfi and Sampa may both refer to Samba, on the direct route from Buipe, the scene of the conversion, to Begho.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ ‘The Asia of Jo´o de Barros’, edited by Crone, G. R. in The Voyages of Cadamosto (London, 1937), 125.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Chart 743, op. cit. note 13.Google Scholar

⁴² Bovill, 1958. 174–8.Google Scholar

⁴³ W. I. C.: Report by Abramsz, op. cit.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Churchill, 1746, v, 165.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Ibid., 451.

⁴⁶ Ibid., 180–90.

⁴⁷ W. I. C.: Report by Abramsz, op. cit.

⁴⁸ Bowdich, 1819, 14–31, 167, 170 and 483.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Ibid.. 341.

⁵⁰ Ibid.. 229.

⁵¹ Wilks, 1957, 125–8: 31 supra.Google Scholar

⁵² See, e.g. chart 743, op. cit. note 13. D'Anville, Map of the Gold Coast, 1729, somewhat improved and corrected, as well as the ‘Names of Places accommodated to the English Orthography’.Google Scholar

⁵³ Bowdich, 1819, 170. Nta was later applied to the Guan-Brong speaking peoples of southern Gonja, the Nawuri and Nehumuru, and is now used in an even more extended sense.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ The proximity of Kumasi to Tafo accounts for the confusion of Nta and Ashanti in early sources, for example, Barbot; see Churchill, 1746, v, 145, 189.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ See e.g. Rattray, R. S., Ashanti Law and Constitution (London, 1929), 169, 235, 256.Google Scholar