¹ See Vansina, J., ‘The foundation of the kingdom of Kasanje’, J.A.H. IV (1963), 3.Google Scholar

² Birmingham, D., ‘The date and significance of the Imbangala invasion of Angola’, J.A.H. VI (1965), 2.Google Scholar

³ Cuvelier, J., ‘Alvare I’, Biographie coloniale belge, II, 6,Google Scholar and Brasio, A., Monumenta missionaria africana, III, 120–2.Google Scholar

⁴ See Brasio, A., IV, 533.Google Scholar

⁵ Brasio, III, 120–1;Google ScholarRavenstein, E. G., The Strange Adventures of Andrew Battell (London, 1901), 19–20: ‘Then they told us that they were the Gagas, or Gindes, that came from Sierra de Lion [Serra Le˜a] and passed through the city of Congo, and so travelled to the eastward of the great city of Angola, which is called the Dongo.’Google Scholar

⁶ Brasio, III, 320. East and south-east are indicated by the sentence ‘para a banda do Monomotapa, e para o Cabo de Boa Esperança’.Google Scholar

⁷ Pigafetta, F. and Lopes, D. (trans. Bal, W.), Description du royaume de Congo et des contrées environnantes (Paris, 1965), 106:Google Scholar ‘Ils habitent aux environs du premier lac du Nil, dans la province de l'empire de Monemugi’. From Pigafetta's map this is due east. Also the author mentions on the same page that they entered Kongo through Mbata, the easternmost province. See also de Cadornega, O., Historia de Angola (Lisbon, 1940), III, 222.Google Scholar

⁸ Cavazzi, J A., Istorica Descrizione (trans. Alamandini, F., Munich, 1694), II, 3, p. 216 for the Cunene reference and II, 2–33, 212–40, for the whole history.Google Scholar

⁹ Ravenstein, E. G., 1933, 83, 84. Cavazzi, J. A., II, 2, 213, mentions Sierra Leone too.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Ravenstein, E. G., 33. Many of the so-called Jaga words cited by Ravenstein are Mbundu words. A good example is the term Gonso for soldier on p. 33. It is mentioned earlier as a Mbundu word.Google Scholar See Felner, A., Um Inquérito à Vida Administrativa e Economica deAngolae do Brasil (Coimbra 1991), (1591) 28;Google ScholarBrasio, IV (1954), 563;Google ScholarPlancquaert, M., Les Jaga et les Bayaka du Kwango (Brussels, 1932), 61–2.Google Scholar

¹¹ Cavazzi, J. A., II, 58, 267–8; II, 314.Google Scholar

¹² Avelot, R., ‘Les grands mouvements de peuples en Afrique: Jaga et Zimba’, Bulletin de géographie historique et descriptive, xxvii (1912), 75–216;Google ScholarMarquardsen, H. and Stahl, A., Angola (1928), 113–14; M. Planquaert, 56–71; E. G. Ravenstein, 149–53Google Scholar and especially Decker, H. C., ‘Die Jagazüge und das Königtum im mittleren Bantugebiet’, Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, LXXI (1940), 4–6, 229–93.Google Scholar

¹³ This is quite clear from both Cavazzi and Cadornega. de Cadornega, O., III, 223–5; Cavazzi, J. A., 11, 25, p. 233; II, 50–58, pp. 259–69; VI, 7, pp. 714–17. Divining with seizure by the deceased is typical for the Luba kilumbu only.Google ScholarCf. Theuws, Th., De Luba mens, (Tervuren 1962), 239–46;Google ScholarVan Avermaet, E., Dictionnarie kiluba-français (Tervuren, 1954), 381–2.Google Scholar Also Burton, W. F. P., Luba Religion and Magic in Custom and Belief (Tervuren,1961), 24, 50–64.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Cavazzi, J. A., II, 58, pp. 267–8: ‘In time, while they [the Kongo] had learned many things from the Jaga concerning officials and servants, they in turn also have contributed [to the Jaga] many items concerning the spirits’; E. G. Ravenstein, 27, where Battell mentions a Lord who ‘obeyed’ the Jaga.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Cavazzi, J. A., ii (Antwerp, 1936), 35, p. 241; Van Avermaet, E., 110–11; Verhulpen, E., Baluba et Balubaisés, 187, 190, 191, 192, 270, 273, 274, 276, 300, for mudyavita. For mulunda cf. Verhulpen, E., 147, 188Google Scholar, Duysters, L., ‘Histoire des Aluunda’, Probl`mes d'Afrique Centrale XII (1958), 76;Google ScholarBiebuyck, D., ‘Fondements de l'organisation politique des Lunda du Mwaantayaavu en territoire de Kapanga’, Zaire (10. 1957), 791–7.Google Scholar One should note that mudyavita is definitely not a Lunda title and that mulunda occurs with the Lunda only as Swanamulunda and is a female title. It is a major title with the Luba-Hemba and the central Luba. See also Burton, W. F. P., 21–25, and Van Avermaet, E., 384.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Cf. Ravenstein, E. G., 28, n. I.;Google ScholarCunnison, I., The Luapula Peoples of Northern Rhodesia (Manchester,1959), 170, 171, 173.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Birmingham, D., 144–5; Vansina, J., passim, for different versions of the traditions involved.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Neves, A. R., Memoria da Expedição a Cassange (Lisbon, 1854), 97;Google ScholarDuysters, L., 84; Biebuyck, D., 802.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Bastin, M. L., Art Decoratif Cokwe, I (Lisnon, 1961), 42–45;Google ScholarSchütt, O., Reisen im südwestlichen Becken des Congo, 111–12;Google Scholarde Mãgalhaes, A. A., ‘Origem dos Ba-Songos’, Mensario Administrativo (15 11. 1948), 33–8;Google Scholarvan den Byvang, M., ‘Notice historique sur les Balunda’, Congo, I (1937), 432–7, and especially song quoted, 435.Google Scholar

²⁰ Though conceivably they might have lumped all the migrants together and enumerated them from the point of view of their geographical location.Google Scholar

²¹ Plancquaert, M., 86–7.Google Scholar

²² Brasio, A., II, 497; Pigafetta, F., 24, 156, n. 33; Brasio, A., III, for the reference of 1586. The good disposition of the king as mentioned in this letter led to the foundation of Benguela Veiha in the next year. It is also evident that the Jaga did not occupy Benguela before 1601 at Battell's time because Jaga Kalandola was just then attacking the territory. Cf. Ravenstein, E. G., 20–2.Google Scholar

²³ de Bouveignes, O. and Cuvelier, J., Jérome de Montesarchio (Namur, 1951), 67. Montesarchio met a Chinguri Anza in the province of Nsundi in 1650.Google Scholar

²⁴ There are many references to the Kasanje of Nsaka, going well beyond 1623, for instance Brasio, A., IX, p. 8, no. 2 (named as manicasante), dated 1643. The earliest reference is of 1577 in Brasio, A., III, 158 (named as manicacanzes and manicangazes). There as in Brasio, A., IV, 571, cited by Birmingham, D., 147, n 12, it is stated that the action of 1575 was taken ‘em favor del Rey de Congo’, against whom the Kasanje had rebelled by becoming a tributary, to the ngola. In Brasio, A., VII, 27, in a letter from Governor João Correa de Sousa, it is clearly stated that the Mani Kasanje was a tributary of Kongo and specifically of Mbamba. On the events of 1622 and 1623 see Cuvelier, J., Nzinga, koningin van Matamba, 51–8Google Scholar, especially Delgado, R., História de Angola II (Benguela, 1948), 79–84, 101Google ScholarFelner, A., Angola (Coimbra, 1933), 212–13, 117.Google Scholar

²⁵ Ravenstein, E. G., 84. Also Cavazzi, J. A., II, 2, p. 213, ‘Chimbangali’. But Cavazzi could have confused the Jaga and the Imbangala of Kasanje.Google Scholar

²⁶ Vansina, J., 371.Google Scholar

²⁷ Ravenstein, E. C., 20–2, especially 21–2: ‘We had great trade with these Gagas, five months and gained greatly by them’. P. 28, at the end of the trip when the Jaga were near Massangano, they traded with ‘merchant negroes’, not with Portuguese as in Besnguela.Google Scholar

²⁸ Cordeiro, L., Terras e minas africanas secundo Baithazar Rebello de Aragão (Lisbon 1881), 15.Google Scholar For the date see Ravenstein, E. G., 159, note I.Google Scholar

²⁹ Vansina, J.Kingdoms of the Savanna (Madison, 1965), appendix, 249–53, where the data are discussed. We have taken 1600 as a relatively firm data in this discussion, but if it had to be earlier, the lengths of reign and of generation would become fairly great. It is to be hoped that F. Crine, who worked on Lunda culture and history, will publish his chronological data, to confirm or deny our point of view.Google Scholar

³⁰ Neves, A. R., 7. In the first list Ndonga, Kankengo, Kibonde and Ngunza aBangela are mentioned, p. 110, as titles of members of the Council of State. Four others have not been identified although one Mpande on O. Schütt's map may be Mpande aMbumba. For the second list almost all the names have been identified. Munjumbo a Kafushe is a Songo chief (O. Schütt, III), Kapenda ka Mulemba the title for the Shinji king; Mbumba aNtumba a Cokwe chief (Bomba to whom the pombeiros of 1807 went), Kambunga ka Tembo a Songo chief (Schütt, 105–6), Ndumba a Tembo a well-known Cokwe chief, Ndumbo a Peso a Minungu chief, Malundo the southern Shinji chief, Musongo a chief of the Minungu (Schütt, 113). Mushi has not been identified.Google Scholar

³¹ Neves, A. R., 99. It is to be noted that all the Imbangala accounts mention Queen Nzinga, who ruled only after 1623. The previous kings were also called Nzinga however, at least since 1575–80. Cf. Cavazzi, J. A., II, 132, p. 331–2; Cuvelier, J., 17–18, 31, 37, 45.Google Scholar

³² Cavazzi, J. A., II, 31–32, pp. 239–40. Kinguri was said to be a local man ‘eben auss diser Provintz.’Google Scholar

³³ Cavazzi, J. A., II, 4, p. 216. The three chiefdoms were contiguous in Cavazzi's day. Ndongi and Ndumba are two of the northern Minungu chiefs. (Cf. Schütt, O., 117, for Ndonge and map for Ndumba.) For Ndonji see also Bastin, M. L., p. 43, n. I, and p. 44.Google Scholar

³⁴ See Vansina, J., Kingdoms of the Savanna, ch. 3, 272, notes I and 2, and Theuws, Th., 203–5. Verhulpen, E. has mixed different traditions from different areas, which explains why his Kongolo has so many second names.Google Scholar

³⁵ Verhulpen, E., passim.Google Scholar

³⁶ Nenquin, J., Excavations at Sanga 1957 (Tervuren, 1963), describes three cultures.Google Scholar These are different from the Katoto culture of J. Hiernaux and de Buyst, J., ‘Note sur une campagne de fouilles a Katoto (région de Bukama, Katanga)’, Zaire xiv (1960), 2–3, 255–3.Google Scholar

³⁷ The best studies of the Luba to date are those of Th. Theuws. He stresses, 202–12, how little is actually known. Even within the royal genealogy of the major kingdom the succession of kings is not yet well established. Cf. J. Vansina, Kingdoms of the Savanna, 76.Google Scholar