Article contents
Masai and Kikuyu: An Historical Analysis of Culture Transmission1
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 January 2009
Extract
The tendency of East African Bantu tribes to borrow cultural features from pastoral or semi-pastoral ‘Nilo-Hamitic’ peoples has often been observed, but thus far only two serious attempts have been made to explain this phenomenon. Herskovits first put forward the idea that the tribes of East Africa formed a ‘cattle complex’ epitomized and shaped by the ‘Nilo-Hamitic’ pastoralists. In a more limited study, LeVine and Sangree concluded that the proclivity of a Bantu tribe to borrow from a ‘Nilo-Hamitic’ group was dependent upon the relative population size of the peoples in question, the success or failure of the Bantu group in defending itself against attack, and the need of the Bantu to ally themselves with a ‘Nilo-Hamitic’ tribe.
The tentative history of relations between the Bantu Kikuyu and the ‘Nilo-Hamitic’ Masai established in this paper suggests that both these theories err. Beginning with the first meeting of the two tribes about 1750, the Masai inflicted great damage on the Kikuyu while both were resident on the plains near Mount Kenya. When the Kikuyu secluded themselves in the forests after about 1800, they began to experience a significant degree of success in warding off the Masai, without any need for allies. Yet borrowing went on almost without interruption throughout both periods.
The actual nature of that borrowing was very different from the process which Herskovits imagined. Rather than being influenced by the way in which cattle functioned in Masai society, the Kikuyu were much impressed with the Masai as militarists, and this is reflected by the fact that the Kikuyu borrowed far more from the Masai military system than from anything relating to cattle.
- Type
- Research Article
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1968
References
2 Herskovits, M. J., ‘Cattle complex in East Africa’, American Anthropologist, xxviii (1926).Google Scholar
3 LeVine, R. and Sangree, W., ‘The diffusion of age-group organization in East Africa’, Africa, xxxii, 2 (04 1962), 97–109.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
4 Lambert, H., Kikuyu Social and Political Institutions (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 42.Google Scholar
5 W., and Routledge, K., With a Prehistoric People: The Akikuyu of British East Africa (London: Edward Arnold, 1910), 9.Google Scholar
6 Routledge unaccountably states that this name has nothing to do with the Masai tribe.
7 Jacobs, A., ‘The traditional political organization of the pastoral Masai’ (unpublished D. Phil. dissertation, Nuflield College, Oxford, 1965), 25;Google ScholarKoenig, O., The Masai Story (London: Michael Joseph, 1956), 45.Google Scholar
8 Koenig, loc. cit.
9 Kenyatta, J., Facing Mount Kenya (London: Martin Secker and Warburg, Ltd., 1952), 82.Google Scholar
10 The Fort Hall area is acknowledged by most Kikuyu traditions to be the place where the tribe was founded. Cf. for example Lambert, , The Systems of Land Tenure in the Kikuyu Land Unit (Communications from the School of African Studies, University of Capetown, 1949), 30;Google ScholarKenyatta, , op. cit. 5.Google Scholar
11 Kenyatta, , op. cit. 82;Google ScholarRoutledge, , op. cit. 9.Google Scholar
12 Lambert, , The Systems of Land Tenure, 32.Google Scholar
13 Leakey, L. S. B., unpublished manuscript cited in Lambert, , The Systems of Land Tenure, 34.Google Scholar
14 Routledge, loc. cit.
15 Tate, H., ‘Further notes on the Southern Gikuyu of British East Africa’, Journal of African Society, X, 39 (04 1911), 290.Google Scholar
16 Lambert, , Kikuyu Institutions, 41.Google Scholar
17 Hobley, , in ‘Kikuyu Medicines’, Man, vi (1906), 81–3, presents a list of what are actually regiment and set names and identifies them as generation names.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
18 Koenig, , op. cit. 45.Google Scholar
19 Thomson, J., Through Masailand (London: Low, 1885), passim.Google Scholar
20 von Höhnel, L., Discovery by Count Teleki of Lakes Rudolf and Stefanie (London: Longmans Green, 1894), 289; Kenya Land Commission Report, passim.Google Scholar
21 Kenya Land Commission Report, passim.
22 von, Höhnel, op. cit. 289.Google Scholar
23 The same process can be seen in the history of relations between the Masai and the Bantu Sonjo. The latter were at the mercy of the Masai while both were resident on the plain. It was only after they built fortified villages on heights that the Sonjo were able to achieve something of a stalemate. See Gray, R., The Sonjo of Tanganyika (Oxford University Press, 1963), 29.Google Scholar
24 Wars between the agricultural and pastoral Masai which lasted until the late nineteenth century. See Jacobs, op. cit.
25 Fosbrooke, H., ‘The Masai age-system as a guide to tribal chronology’, African Studies, xv (1956), 193.Google Scholar
26 Jacobs, , op. cit. 49.Google Scholar
27 Routledge, , op. cit. 15.Google Scholar
28 Dundas, K., ‘Notes on the origins and history of the Kikuyu and Dorobo tribes’, Man, viii (1908), 137–8.Google Scholar
29 Lambert, , Kikuyu Institutions, 42Google Scholar
30 Cited in Jacobs, , op. cit. 67.Google Scholar
31 Loc. cit.
32 Ibid. 74.
33 Dundas, , op. cit. 138.Google Scholar
34 Lambert, , Kikuyu Institutions, 10;Google ScholarBenson, T. G., Kikuyu–English Dictionary (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1964), 326.Google Scholar
35 Jacobs, , op. cit. 74–8.Google Scholar
36 New, C., Life, Wanderings, and Missionary Labours in Eastern Africa (London: Hodder, 1873).Google Scholar
37 See Baker, R., (transl.) Kabongo, the Story of a Kikuyu Chief (Oxford: G. Ronald, 1956), 57–64.Google Scholar
38 See Jacobs, op. cit. passim; S., and Hinde, H., The Last of the Masai (London: William Heinnemann, 1901), passim.Google Scholar
39 Kenyatta, , op. cit. 202–3.Google Scholar
40 Hollis, C., op. cit. 354.Google Scholar
41 Gregory, J. W., The Great Rift Valley (London: John Murray, 1896), 201.Google Scholar
42 Tate, , ‘The native law of the southern Gikuyu’, Journal of the African Society, IX, 25 (04 1910), 237;Google ScholarAnon., Mr Astor Chanler's expedition to East Africa', Geographical Journal, 1 (1893), 540.Google Scholar
43 Tate, , ‘Further notes…’, 334.Google Scholar
44 Kenyatta, , op. cit. 201; Kenya Land Commission Report, passim.Google Scholar
45 Kenyatta, , op. cit. 66;Google ScholarGulliver, P., ‘The evolution of Arusha trade’, in Bohannan, P. and Dalton, G. (eds.), Markets in Africa (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1963), 432.Google Scholar
46 Kenyatta, , op. cit. 66.Google Scholar
47 Loc. cit.; Thomson, , op. cit. 177–8;Google ScholarMiddleton, J., The Kikuyu and Kamba of Kenya (London: International African Institute, 1953), 13.Google Scholar
48 Unless otherwise indicated, all anthropological information discussed here has been taken from Lambert, , Kikuyu Institutions, and Jacobs, op. cit.Google Scholar
49 The author specifically refers to the Duruma and Giriama. Unfortunately, no really detailed study of their age-systems has been published. According to Prins, these two Nyika tribes both use the same word (riika) as the Kikuyu in defining the age-regiments; both divide elderhood into a series of councils or lodges, using the same term (kiama) for them as the Kikuyu; and both conceive of the regiment as a thirteen-year period during which a set is initiated every year. This is very like the Kikuyu system, for even in those areas where male initiations are not held yearly, the odd years are always filled by female initiations. Historically, the Kikuyu can be connected with the Duruma and Giriama only with great difficulty, but there is at least some evidence to indicate that the latter tribes may have been ancestral to parts of the former. See Prins, A., The Coastal Tribes of the Northeastern Bantu (London: International African Institute. 1953), 75–5.Google Scholar
50 See Greenberg, J., ‘The Magogodo: a forgotten Cushitic people’, Journal of African Languages, ii (1963), 29–43.Google Scholar
51 See Prins, , East African Age-Class Systems (Groningen: J. B. Wolters, 1953), 41.Google Scholar
52 Hobley, C. W., ‘British East Africa—Kikuyu customs and beliefs’, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, XL (1910), 439.Google Scholar
53 Lambert, , op. cit. 80.Google Scholar
54 See Benson, op. cit. passim.
55 See Jacobs, op. cit. passim; Forde, C. D., Habitat, Economy, and Society (New York: Harcourt, Brace, and Co., 1934), 296.Google Scholar
56 Leakey, , Mau Mau and the Kikuyu, 13.Google Scholar
57 Kenyatta, , op. cit. 62.Google Scholar
58 Ibid.. 63.
59 Loc. cit. Leakey mentions the existence of 108 ceremonial occasions which entailed the sacrifice of a sheep or goat. See Leakey, , op. cit. 13.Google Scholar
60 Herskovits, , op. cit. 246.Google Scholar
61 Dundas, , op. cit. 138.Google Scholar
62 Lambert, , The System of Land Tenure, 9;Google ScholarTate, , ‘Native law…’, 236.Google Scholar
63 Lambert, Ibid.. 9.
64 One writer has argued that the Kikuyu military system existed only so that the young men would be enabled to capture cattle, which they could then use to purchase wives, the most important commodity in a polygamous society (see Bugeau, F., ‘Les Wakikouyous et la guerre’, Annali Lateranensi, vii (1943), 183–226). In point of fact, cattle were only part of the Kikuyu brideprice, and it is difficult to conceive of a military system which existed for such a unilateral purpose.Google Scholar
65 Benson, , op. cit. 339, 400.Google Scholar
66 Lambert, , The Systems of Land Tenure, 35.Google Scholar
- 10
- Cited by