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Madagascar and the Slave Trade, 1810–18951

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 January 2009

Gwyn Campbell
Gwyn Campbell
Affiliation:
Coleg Prifysgol Cymru, Abertawe/University College of Wales, Swansea
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Extract

The distinguishing feature of the Malagasy slave trade in the nineteenth century was the co-existence of two competitive slave networks, the one feeding Malagasy slaves to meet the demand of long-distance and regional markets in the western Indian Ocean, and the other channelling Malagasy war captives and East African slaves on to the markets of Imerina. The export of slaves from Madagascar had long existed, but the import of slaves was a new and distinctly nineteenth-century phenomenon, the result of the rise of the Merina empire, whose economy was based on a huge, unremunerated and servile labour force. As the empire expanded, so its labour requirements grew, to conflict sharply with the increasing demand for labour on the neighbouring plantation islands as they shifted over to the production of sugar. Creole merchants found themselves obliged to find alternative labour supplies, and from the 1830s they were moving rapidly down the west coast of Madagascar, where they purchased slaves from chiefs independent of Merina control. Until the outbreak of the Franco-Merina war of 1882–5, the slave-trade networks remained remarkably stable, despite local rivalries. This was due largely to the presence of the Arab Antalaotra, an experienced body of middlemen, and the Indian Karany who supplied the capital for the trade. The war effectively broke the power of the Merina regime, and as the imperial economy crumbled, so security of trade collapsed across the island. Though the disruption of legitimate commerce initially spurred the slave trade, it also strengthened creole calls for French intervention. This occurred in 1895, and the following year the French authorities abolished slavery in Madagascar. This, and the effective military occupation of the island by the French, reduced the Malagasy slave trade to a trickle by the first years of the twentieth century.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Journal of African History , Volume 22 , Issue 2 , April 1981 , pp. 203 - 227
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1981

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References

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38 The price of a slave in Imerina was, according to my calculations (see references cited in note 8 above), about two-thirds more than on the west coast, and one-third less than on the east coast, which reflects the availability of supplies.

39 See Ellis, History, which was largely compiled from manuscripts supplied by the early missionaries, especially Griffiths. The ‘unification theory’ has been popularized by major historians of Madagascar, notably Deschamps, Hubert, Histoire de Madagascar (Paris, 1972)Google Scholar, and idem, ‘Tradition and change in Madagascar, 1790–1870’ in J. E. Flint (ed.), Cambridge History of Africa, v (1976), 393–417. It has recently been reiterated by Simon Ayache in ‘Pouvoir central et provinces sous la monarchic Merina au XIXe siècle. Une theme de recherche’ (MS kindly lent the author by S. Ayache); see also Mutibwa, The Malagasy and the Europeans.

40 Pioneering work was done on the Sakalava in the first half of the nineteenth century by Noel, Vincent, ‘Ile de Madagascar: recherches sur les Sakalava’, Bulletin de la société de geographie (1843)Google Scholar, and Guillain, Documents (1845), but only very recently has the ‘provincial’ history of Madagascar become the subject of serious and regular attention by historians; see, for example, Ader, ‘Tulear’ and ‘Les traitants’; Esoavelo-mandroso, Manassé, ‘Problèmes de police et de justice dans le gouvernement de Tamatave à l'époque de Rainandriamampandry, 1882–95’, Etudes Historiques (Université de Madagascar, 1974)Google Scholar; and idem, ‘La région du Fiheregna à la veille de la conquête française’ (paper presented at the Colloque d'histoire, Toliara, 1979).

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53 Pakenham (Tamatave) to Granville, 3 Jan. 1874, FO 84/1397, same to same, 19 Oct. 1876, FO 84/1474 (ERD/2270); Robinson (Tamatave) to Hunter, 21 Oct. 1879, USC 11, 52; GM, 22; Samat, ‘Notes’ (cited in n. 8), 67; Colomb, , Slave-catching, 319–56.Google Scholar

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55 Pakenham (Tamatave) to Derby, 30 Jan. 1877, FO 84/1474 (ERD/2270); Kestell-Cornish to Pakenham, ‘Tsoavan Andriana’, 26 Sept. 1876, FO 84/1474 (ERD/2270).

56 CFM; Hafkin, ‘Trade’, 85–8; Coupland, East Africa and its Invaders, chs. 5, 8–9.

57 Frere (Poona) to Granville, memo., 7 May 1873 (incl. I no. 53). CFM; Coupland, East Africa and its Invaders, chs. io, 15.

58 ‘Memo’, 31 March 1873, CFM.

59 Pakenham (Tamatave) to Stanley, 4 Feb. 1869, FO 84/1307 (ERD/1142); ‘Report’ of Capt. Malcolm of H.M.S. Briton, 17 Aug. 1873, FO 84/1397; see also ‘The English Blue Book’, 111, 8 no. 4, incl. 2 and 8, and no. 26, in the Madagascar Times, 1885–6.

60 GM, 26–8.

61 Stanwood, ‘Memo’ 2, 21 Aug. 1883 USC; Frere (Mozambique) to Granville, 27 Feb. 1873, CFM; see also n. 83 below. For details of the cholera epidemic see Coupland, R., The Exploitation of East Africa (London, 1939; 1968), 53–6.Google Scholar

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65 ‘Memo’, 31 March 1873, CFM; Fontoynont et Nicol, Les traitants, 24; RA, 269.

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67 E.g. King Maromiantia established his capital fifteen leagues into the interior from the mouth of the river Manambolo: GM, 26. See also Alfred, and Grandidier, Guillaume (eds.), Collection des ouvrages anciens concernant Madagascar (Paris, 1903), vols, iii, vGoogle Scholar; Guillain, , Documents, 11, 339.Google Scholar

68 GM, 24–5.

69 Stanwood (Morondava) to Robinson, 1 Dec. 1880, USC. For African comparisons see Beachey, , Slave Trade, 60Google Scholar; Pankhurst, , Economic History, 84–9.Google Scholar

70 The first ships from the Mascareignes generally arrived in June. GM, 8.

71 GM, 9, 14.

72 GM; Larsen, Livet; Rostvig's correspondence in FLM/NMS Copibok, Tolia; Stanwood's correspondence in USC.

73 Stanwood (Morondava) to Robinson, 23 Jan. 1881, USC iii; Robinson (Tamatave) to Adee, 22 Oct. 1884, USC iv; see also Richardson, Lights.

74 Robinson to Adee, 22 Oct. 1884, USC iv; Campbell (Tamatave) to Porter, 23 Aug. 1887, USC v, GM, 27.

75 GM, 9–20, 23, 28; Landmark Det Norske, 273–82; Campbell to Porter, 18 Oct. 1887; and Campbell (Tamatave) to Rives, 10 Feb. 1888: USC v.

76 Pakenham (Tamatave) to Derby, 21 Feb. 1876, FO 84/1369 (ERD/1142); Robinson (Tamatave) to Third Asst. Sec. of State, 22 May 1882, USC 111, no. 98; Samat, ‘Notes’ (cited in n. 8); Guerret, Trois mois, 37–54.

77 Campbell, ‘Labour’; Rainilaiarivony (Antananarivo) to Pakenham, 24 July 1868, FO 84/1291; Robinson (Tamatave) to Hunter, 28 June 1877, USC 11, no. 26.

78 Stanwood (Andakabe) to Whitney, 30 June 1883; Stanwood (Morondava) to Whitney and Robinson, 1 Aug. 1883; Robinson (Tamatave) to Adee, 22 Oct. 1884: USC iv; for arms smuggling in East Africa, see Beachey, R. W., ‘The arms trade in East Africa in the late nineteenth century’, Journal of African History, 111, 3 (1962), 451–67.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

79 See the correspondence of Stanwood, 25 Aug. to 27 Dec. 1887, USC v.

80 Stanwood (Andakabe) to Campbell, 20 Aug. 1887; Whitney, ‘Report’, Tamatave, 10 Sept. 1887; Stanwood (Andakabe) to Campbell, 17 Dec. 1887: USC v.

81 Whitney ‘Report’, 10 Sept. 1887, USC v; see also above, notes 50–51.

82 Rostvig, , Sakalaverne, 244Google Scholar; Pickersgill, S., ‘North Sakalavaland’, AAMM viii (1893), 29–43Google Scholar; Stanwood (Andakabe) to Robinson (incl. in Stanwood to Bayard, 31 Oct. 1886), USC iv; Esoavelomandroso, ‘Fiheregna’; Prud'homme, ‘Considerations’, 29.

83 Stanwood, ‘Memo’ 2, 21 Aug. 1883; Stanwood to Robinson, 28 Aug. 1884: USC iv; see also n. 61 above.

84 Stanwood (Morondava) to Robinson, 13 July 1884, USC iv; Stanwood (Andakabe) to Pickersgill, 18 Aug. 1887, USC v; Kirk to Granville, 3 April 1872 (as cited in n. 49).

85 Stanwood, ‘Memo’, 2; Stanwood (Andakabe) to Third Asst. Sec. of State, 11 Feb. 1884; Stanwood, ‘Commercial Report’, 31 Dec. 1886: USC iv.

86 Stanwood, ‘Commercial Report’; Le Lyes, S. M., ‘Relation’, Annales maritimes et coloniales, xiv, 139 (1821), 652–64.Google Scholar

87 Stanwood (Andakabe) to Campbell, 25 Aug. 1887, USC v.

88 Walen, A., Madagaskars sydostkyst (Stavanger, 1888).Google Scholar

89 GM, 41.

90 Jouen, ‘Notes’ (n.d.), AHVP, c. 28b.; see also n. 26 above.

91 Walen, Madagaskars, 24–6; Piolet, De l'esclavage, 458–9; Those slavers in the extreme south-west of the island were mostly Creoles of French nationality: Rostvig, ‘Export of slaves from the south west coast of Madagascar’, letter to the Natal Mercury, 7 Aug. 1886, FLM/NMS Bks 812B.

92 Besson, L., ‘Voyage au pays des Tanala indépendants de la région d'Ikongo’ from Grandidier, A. (ed.), Les voyageursfrançais à Madagascar pendant les trente dernières années, (Paris, 1894).Google Scholar

93 The Antanosy emigrants fled some time between 1856 and 1866. Under their leader Zaomanery they established a capital at Kiliarivo (Salobe), 120 km east of St Augustine's Bay, and 300 km west of Taolanaro, on the plain between the Taheza and Sakamare tributaries of the Onilahy river: GM, 10–11; Richardson, , Lights, 40.Google Scholar

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95 David, Robert, Nosy-ve, islette australe et vice-résidence de France de 1888 à 1897 (Tananarive, 1939), 18Google Scholar; also see ‘Report’ of Rostvig to Captain Aldrick of H.M.S. Fawn, Tulear 25 Nov. 1882, FLM/NMS Tolia Copybok, 632–45.

96 See Stanwood (Andakabe) to Campbell, 27–31 Dec. 1887, USC v; and Rostvig's correspondence in FLM/NMS Copybok Tolia (1882–92), 812 B.

97 Dawson, E. W., Madagascar: its capabilities and resources (London, 1895)Google Scholar; Cousins, ‘The abolition’; The Lambert indemnity was for 180,000 dollars: Wastell, , ‘British imperial policy’, 370.Google Scholar

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