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³ The classic account is Hill, Polly, The Migrant Cocoa Farmers of Southern Ghana (Cambridge, 1963)Google Scholar. See also Berry, Sara S., Cocoa, Custom, and Socio-Economic Change in Rural Western Nigeria (Oxford, 1975).Google Scholar

⁴ Which defining attributes of a non-economic kind should be credited to ‘peasantries’, and how far these attributes are to be found in Africa, are among the issues discussed in Fallers, L. A., ‘Are African cultivators to be called peasants?’, Current Anthropology II (1961), 108–10CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wolf, Eric, Peasants (Englewood Cliffs, N. J., 1966)Google Scholar; Post, Ken, ‘ “Peasantization” and rural political movements in West Africa’, Archives Européennes de Sociologie, XIII (1972), 223–54.Google Scholar

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⁷ For reviews of this and related theories, see Myint, H., Economic Theory and Underdeveloped Countries (London, 1971)Google Scholar; Meier, G. M., ‘External trade and internal development’ in Gann, L. H. and Duignan, P. (eds.), Colonialism in Africa 1870–1960, IV (Cambridge, 1975), 427–69Google Scholar. The vent-for-surplus model is used as a framework for historical analysis with varying degrees of sophistication in Lewis, W. Arthur (ed.), Tropical Development 1880–1913 (London, 1970)Google Scholar; Hopkins, A. G., An Economic History of West Africa (London, 1973), 231–6Google Scholar; Hogendorn, J. S., ‘Economic initiative and African cash farming: pre-colonial origins and early colonial developments’ in Gann, and Duignan, , Colonialism in Africa, IV, 283–328.Google Scholar

⁸ Wrigley, C. C., Crops and Wealth in Uganda (Kampala, 1959), 11–12Google Scholar; Hill, Polly, ‘Markets in Africa’, J. Modern African Studies, 1 (1963), 444, 447CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For an overdue corrective, see Gray, Richard and Birmingham, David (eds.), Pre-Colonial African Trade (London, 1970).Google Scholar

⁹ Wrigley, , Crops and Wealth, 16–18, 19–20Google Scholar; Ehrlich, Cyril, ‘The Uganda Economy, 1903–1945’ in Harlow, V. and Chilver, E. M. (eds.), History of East Africa, II (Oxford, 1965), 402, 406–9Google Scholar. Nothing is added to the insights of these pioneer authors in the most recent accounts: van Zwanenberg, R. M. A. and King, A., An Economic History of Kenya and Uganda (London, 1975), 57–61Google Scholar; Jamal, Vali, ‘The role of cotton and coffee in Uganda's economic development’ (Ph.D. thesis, Stanford University, 1976), ch. 2Google Scholar — in spite of the illuminating case-studies by Vail and Hay listed in note 12 below.

¹⁰ Sturrock, F., in Richards, A. I., Sturrock, F. and Fortt, J. M. (eds.), Subsistence to Commercial Farming in Present-Day Buganda (Cambridge, 1973), 306.Google Scholar

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¹² An important exception is Hay, Margaret J., ‘Economic change in Luoland: Kowe, 1890–1945’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Wisconsin, 1972)Google Scholar. Vail, David J., A History of Agricultural Innovation and Development in Teso District, Uganda (Syracuse, N.Y., 1972Google Scholar) is an impressive study by an agricultural economist, marred only by a somewhat limited choice of historical sources. Some attention is given to questions of indigenous economics in Hogendorn, J. S., ‘The origin of the groundnut trade in Northern Nigeria’ (Ph.D. thesis, London, 1966), 25–30Google Scholar, 37–9, 99–109, and Dorward, D. C., ‘An unknown Nigerian export: Tiv benniseed production, 1900–1960’, J. Afr. Hist. XVI (1975), 431–59.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹³ Palmer, Robin and Parsons, Neil (eds.), The Roots of Rural Poverty in Central and Southern Africa (London, 1977)Google Scholar; the only contributor to the volume who attempts an analysis of these factors is David Beach (pp. 41–4). For a comparable imbalance in East African historiography, see van Zwanenberg, R., ‘The development of peasant commodity production in Kenya, 1920–40’, Economic History Review, 2nd series, XXVII (1974), 442–54.Google Scholar

¹⁴ This estimate is based on the figure of approximately 171,000 given for the Langi in Census Returns, 1921 (Entebbe, 1921), allowing for the fact that this figure was almost certainly an understatement.

¹⁵ Driberg, J. H., ‘The Lango District, Uganda Protectorate’, Geog. J., LVIII (1921), 131Google Scholar; Driberg, J. H., The Lango (London, 1923), 43.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Driberg, , The Lango, 89, 98–103Google Scholar. This work gives a comparatively detailed account of Lango agriculture. Cotton had in fact already made its appearance before the period (1912–18) when Driberg served as a District Officer in Lango; but he was responsible for extending administration into north-eastern Lango, and his account is essentially of pre-colonial agricultural practice.

¹⁷ Tosh, John, Clan Leaders and Colonial Chiefs in Lango (Oxford, in press), ch. 1.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Major Delmé-Radcliffe, C., ‘Memorandum on the physical features and animals of the Lango country’, 23 12. 1901Google Scholar, Public Record Office, London (P.R.O.), FO 403/318; Tarantino, A., ‘Notes on the Lango’, Uganda J. XIII (1949), 149.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Jameson, J. D., ‘Protein content of subsistence crops in Uganda’, East African Agr. J. XXIV (1958), 68Google Scholar, reported that the Langi had the best diet of vegetable protein in Uganda.

²⁰ Driberg, , The Lango, 98–9Google Scholar, is somewhat vague on the question of fallow. Later accounts, however, are more precise as to the limitations imposed by the nature of the soil: Tothill, J. D. (ed.), Agriculture in Uganda (London, 1940), 47–8Google Scholar; Parsons, D. J., The Systems of Agriculture Practised in Uganda: the Northern Systems (Kampala, 1960), 19–21.Google Scholar

²¹ Parsons, , Systems of Agriculture in Uganda, 25–6.Google Scholar

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²³ E.g. Sahlins, Marshall, Stone Age Economics (Chicago, 1972), 51–5.Google Scholar

²⁴ E.g. Fowler to Wilson, 8 Mar. 1905, Uganda National Archives (U.N.A.), A12/6.

²⁵ Driberg, , The Lango, 50, 96, 99.Google Scholar

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²⁷ For East Africa, the fullest accounts of this institution are Mayer, Philip, Two Studies in Applied Anthropology in Kenya (London, 1951), 5–18Google Scholar(for the Gusii); Abrahams, R. G., ‘Neighbourhood organization: a major sub-system among the northern Nyamwezi’, Africa, XXXV (1965), 168–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Gulliver, P. H., Neighbours and Networks (Berkeley, 1971), ch. 6Google Scholar(for the Ndendeuli). For a general discussion, see Uchendu, V. C., ‘Traditional work groups in economic development’, Universities of East Africa Social Science Conference Proceedings, vol. 5 (Dar es Salaam, 1970), 248–61.Google Scholar

²⁸ Cf. Malcolm, D. W., Sukumaland (London, 1953), 12.Google Scholar

²⁹ For northern Delmé-Radcliffe, Lango, ‘Memorandum…’, 23 12. 1901, P.R.O. FO 403/318Google Scholar; for western Lango, Jervoise to Leakey, 6 Feb. 1906, U.N.A. A12/7; for south-eastern Lango, Evatt to Ternan, 10 May 1899, U.N.A. A4/17, and Tarrant to Johnston, 13 Nov. 1900, U.N.A. A10/1.

³⁰ Dunbar, A. R., A History of Bunyoro-Kitara (Nairobi, 1965), 81–96, 107Google Scholar; Beattie, John, The Nyoro State (Oxford, 1971), 76–9.Google Scholar

³¹ Interviews (May to Nov. 1969): Yakobo Adoko, Pilipo Oruro, Yeromia Otim, Yakobo Gaci, Koranima Ayena, Amnoni Abura, Tomasi Ojuka, Lazaro Okelo, Yolam Aliro, Luka Abura, Anderea Okadde.

³² Grant to Commissioner, 21 Mar. 1902, U.N.A. A10/2/1902; Fishbourne, ‘Report on districts round Lake Kyoga’, 5 Oct. 1908, U.N.A. SMP/549/08; Miro District Report for 1908/9, U.N.A. SMP/925/09. The lake traffic is set in a broader context in Tosh, John, ‘The northern interlacustrine region’, in Gray and Birmingham, Pre-Colonial African Trade, 108–9.Google Scholar

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³⁴ Allan, William, The African Husbandman (Edinburgh, 1965), 38–48.Google Scholar

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³⁶ Lango District Report for 1913/14, U.N.A. EPMP/Z/228/13.

³⁷ Baker, S. W., Ismailia (London, 1874), vol. 2, 102–3Google Scholar; Wilson, C. T. and Felkin, R. W., Uganda and the Egyptian Soudan (London, 1882), II, 55.Google Scholar

³⁸ Ford, John, The Role of the Trypanosomiases in African Ecology (Oxford, 1971), 138–41Google Scholar; Kjekshus, Helge, Ecology Control and Economic Development in East African History (London, 1977), 126–32.Google Scholar

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⁴⁰ Driberg, , ‘Lango District’, 131Google Scholar; Driberg, , The Lango, 91–2.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Wilson, and Felkin, , Uganda and the Egyptian Soudan, II, 53–4Google Scholar; Driberg, , The Lango, 104.Google Scholar

⁴² Tosh, , Clan Leaders and Colonial Chiefs, ch. I.Google Scholar

⁴³ Johnstone, , as cited in n. 35, p. 17Google Scholar; Driberg, , The Lango, 46, 100.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Gray, Richard, A History of the Southern Sudan, 1839–1889 (London, 1961), 55–8.Google Scholar

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⁴⁶ For a perceptive discussion, see Wharton, C. R., ‘Subsistence agriculture: concepts and scope’ in Wharton, C. R. (ed.), Subsistence Agriculture and Economic Development (Chicago, 1969), 12–20.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Gray and Birmingham, Precolonial African Trade, passim.

⁴⁸ Cf. Andrew Roberts, ‘Nyamwezi Trade’, in Gray and Birmingham, ibid., 52, 57, 61–3; also Kjekshus, , Ecology Control, 33, 47, 120–1.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Throughout this article the term Lango refers not to Lango District, but to the country occupied by the Lango people: this did not become coterminous with the District until 1939.

⁵⁰ Miro District Report for May 1909, U.N.A. SMP/359/09.

⁵¹ Leakey, , ‘Report on Bachope and Bakeddi incidents’, 18 01. 1908Google Scholar, U.N.A. SMP/1528/07; Knowles to Wilson, 8 July 1908, U.N.A. SMP/1003/08; Lamb, ‘Cotton report on Palango District, 1910’, U.N.A. SMP/943.

⁵² E.g. Tufnell to Grant, 31 Oct. 1910, U.N.A. SMP/519/09; Report on Miro District for May 1911, LDA (Lango District Archives); Warne to Scott, 4 June 1913, LDA LDMP/ADM/9/46.

⁵³ Driberg, , ‘Lango District’, 133.Google Scholar Such migration from Lango as occurred during the 1920s and 1930s was for political rather than economic reasons: Tosh, , Clan Leaders and Colonial Chiefs, ch. 7.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Lango District Report for 1917/18, U.N.A. EPMP/N/120. This was in contrast to the Kumam area of the District where progress in cotton was much more rapid, and where by this date there were already two ginneries. To say, as does Wrigley (Crops and Wealth, 20), that in Lango ‘cultivation [of cotton] spread almost simultaneously with the establishment of administrative control’ is somewhat misleading.

⁵⁵ As elsewhere in the article, the argument here would be strengthened by the inclusion of statistics. Agricultural statistics were in fact published annually in the official Blue Books and the Annual Reports of the Department of Agriculture. However, crop acreage figures are extremely unreliable, for reasons explained in Wrigley, , Crops and Wealth, 60Google Scholar, and Hyde, R. J., The Analysis of Crop Distributions in Uganda (Kampala, 1975), 9–22Google Scholar. Production figures are usually reckoned to be sounder, but in the present case special difficulties intervene. Until 1923 hardly a year passed without changes in the range of effective administration or the boundaries of Lango District, so that the figures cannot be used to plot the fluctuations in agricultural productivity from year to year. Throughout the period covered by this article, the Kumam were administered as part of the District, no distinction being made in the statistics between the two peoples. Lastly, no figures for the prices paid for any crop to growers in Lango District were recorded until the 1930s.

⁵⁶ Paske Smith to Grant, II Mar. 1909, U.N.A. SMP/519/09; Lango District Report for Mar. and Apr. 1909, U.N.A. SMP/872/09; Fox to Grant, 13 June 1910, U.N.A. SMP/130; Lango District Report for Mar. 1911, U.N.A. SMP/193A.

⁵⁷ Jervoise, to Spire, , 5 June 1911Google Scholar, U.N.A. EPMP/Z/44.

⁵⁸ Haldane to Provincial Commissioner, Northern Province, 14 May 1911, U.N.A. SMP/545; Jervoise to Provincial Commissioner, Eastern Province, 3 Oct. 1912, U.N.A. SMP/2404; Fox, to Tufnell, , 16 June 1910Google Scholar, U.N.A. SMP/1860/09; Watson to Chief Secretary, 20 Feb. 1912, U.N.A. SMP/519/09. For the working of the agent system in Lango, see Tosh, Clan Leaders and Colonial Chiefs, ch. 5.

⁵⁹ Tosh, John, ‘Colonial chiefs in a stateless society: a case-study from northern Uganda’, J. Afr. Hist., XIV (1973), 473–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Tosh, Clan Leaders and Colonial Chiefs, ch. 6.

⁶⁰ Warne, to Scott, , 4 June 1913Google Scholar, LDA LDMP/ADM/9/46; Jervoise, , ‘Notes on Aduku, 1913’Google Scholar, Kwania Tour Book (1913–1919), LDAGoogle Scholar; Scott, , entry for 24 Oct. 1913Google Scholar, Koli Tour Book (1912–1914), LDAGoogle Scholar; Huddle, J. G., ‘The life of Yakobo Adoko of Lango District’, Uganda J, XXI (1937), 187.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Miro District Report for May 1909, U.N.A. SMP/359/09; Miro District Report for May 1910, U.N.A. SMP/I78; Cotton report on Palango District, 1910, U.N.A. SMP/943; Jervoise to Provincial Commissioner, Eastern Province, 3 Oct. 1912, U.N.A. SMP/2404. It was a comparable system of communal labour on cotton plots which triggered off the Maji Maji rebellion in German East Africa: Iliffe, John, ‘The organization of the Maji Maji rebellion’, J. Afr. Hist., VIII (1967), esp. 497–500.Google Scholar

⁶² Proclamation under Poll Tax Ordinance, 6 Mar. 1914, Uganda Protectorate Gazette, 15 Mar. 1914.

⁶³ County Standing Orders, 1919, entered in current Tour Books, LDA.

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⁷¹ The continuing vigour of the Nyoro iron-trade is stressed in Uganda Report for 1907–8, Cd. 4448–9 (no. 600 of 1909).

⁷² Report on Lango District for 1913/14, U.N.A. EPMP/Z/228/13; Report on Eastern Province for 1913/14, U.N.A. SMP/703/D; Agriculture Report, 1913/14.

⁷³ Driberg, ‘Lango District’, 130.

⁷⁴ 8,022 cwt of sesame was exported from the six ports of Atura, Kwera, Palango, Abyece, Aputi and Kacung. This figure does not include produce shipped from the river ports in Kumam country. Agriculture Report, 1917/18.

⁷⁵ Driberg, , The Lango, 99Google Scholar; Parsons, , Systems of Agriculture in Uganda, 28aGoogle Scholar. In 1949 it was found that under experimental conditions in Lango sesame required 60 man-days per acre per annum, compared with 93 for cotton: Masefield, G. B., ‘Agricultural change in Uganda: 1945–1960’, Food Research Institute Studies, III (1962), 103.Google Scholar

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⁷⁷ Agriculture Reports, 1921–3. After 1923 figures for exports from the river ports were no longer published.

⁷⁸ Ehrlich, , ‘The Uganda Economy’, 422, 435Google Scholar. Military recruitment was extended to Lango in 1917, but not on a scale to strain labour resources.

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⁸⁹ Lango District Report for June 1909, U.N.A. SMP/872/09; Jervoise to Provincial Commissioner, Eastern Province, 4 Dec. 1912, U.N.A. SMP/2404; Lango District Report for 1913/14, U.N.A. EPMP/Z/228/13; Musoke, P. K., articles in Ebifa, Apr. and Nov. 1912Google Scholar(I am grateful to Dr Michael Twaddle for allowing me to use his translations of these Luganda articles).

⁹⁰ By 1925 there were five substantial trading-centres (Lira, Aboke, Aduku, Atura, Dokolo) in Lango, with a supporting network of bush shops: Lango District Report for quarter ended 30 Sept. 1925, U.N.A. EPMP/Y/10.

⁹¹ ‘It is not the policy of this office to encourage the proletariat [sic] to indulge in the wearing of rags of cloth.… The old practice of nudity is hygienically the best for the mass of the people’. Driberg to Provincial Commissioner, Eastern Province, 13 Nov. 1917, Acholi District Archives, LDMP/40/15.

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⁹⁵ Tothill, , Agriculture in Uganda, 145Google Scholar; Kerkham, R. K., Notes on the Principal Annual Food Crops (Entebbe, 1953), 3.Google Scholar

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¹⁴² E.g. Earth in Firth, Themes in Economic Anthropology.

¹⁴³ Schlippe, Pierre de, Shifting Agriculture in Africa (London, 1956), 148.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁴ On this point I am indebted to Alberta Curley for making available to me her perceptive analysis of the wang tic: Curley as cited in note 26, pp. 96–9, 103. For workgroups in other societies based on similar principles, see Watson, William, Tribal Cohesion in a Money Economy (Manchester, 1958), 107–8Google Scholar, and Gulliver, , Neighbours and Networks, 195.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁵ Wilson, Monica, Good Company (London, 1951), 55–6, 65Google Scholar; Weinrich, A. K. H., African Farmers in Rhodesia (London, 1975), 88, 94–6.Google Scholar