¹ See for example Leo, Frobenius, Auf dem Wege nach Atlantis (Berlin, 1911), 11–12;Google ScholarLeo, Frobenius, Und Afrika sprach (Berlin, 1912), 339–40, 345–51;Google ScholarLeo, Frobenius, Das unbekannte Afrika (München, 1923), 136–8;Google ScholarLeo, Frobenius, Die atlantische Götterlehre XVI–XVIII (Jena, 1926), 7–8;Google ScholarWilm, Leo Frobenius u. Ritter v., Atlas Africanus (Berlin und Leipzig, 1931),Google Scholar Heft 8, Blatt 49; Ad. Jensen, , ‘Les orbes culturels de l'Afrique’, Cahiers d'Art (1930), 444–7.Google Scholar

² There are three titles in the bibliography (p. 221), but The Voice of Africa is a transla tion of Und Afrika sprach.

³ Without any references.

⁴ ‘We find in every house a perfect Tuscan atrium, with the cavaedium, or gangway, running round the rectangular impluvium the tank or piscina, which catches the rain and drippings falling through the compluvium or central opening in the roof… I can understand the use of the atrium in beautiful Italy… But in these lands of violent rains, fierce tornados, harmattans, and smokes, it is impossible to understand the feelings and motives of the builders unless, indeed, they derived the idea of their hypaethral apartments from the ancient conquerors of Morocco and the Atlas’ (SirRichard, Burton, ‘My wanderings in West Africa—a visit to the renowned cities of Wari and Benin’, Fraser's Magazine for Town and Country, LXVII (1863), 278).Google Scholar

⁵ See Vitruvius, , De Architectura, 2 vols. (ed. and transl. by Frank, Granger, London, Cambridge (Mass.), 1962), 11, 24–5;Google ScholarSirBanister, Fletcher, A History of Architecture (London, 1961), 173–4.Google Scholar

⁶ See Frobenius, , Die atlantische Götterlehre, 168–72, 181–6, 195–6;Google ScholarBernard, Maupoil, La Géomaneie à l'ancienne Côte des Esclaves (Paris, 1943);Google ScholarHarry, Tegnaeus, La héros civilisateur (Stockholm, 1950), 180–1;Google Scholar for other works see Milan, Kalous, ‘A contribution to the problem of the hypothetical connection between Ife and the Gold Coast before 15th century’, Archiv Orientální, XXXV, no. 4 (1967), 554–5.Google Scholar

⁷ See Leo, Frobenius, Vom Kulturreich des Festlandes (Berlin, 1923), 69;Google ScholarTalbot, P. Amaury, Life in Southern Nigeria (London, 1923), 10–13, 70–1, 226;Google ScholarHermann, Baumann, Schöpfung und Urzeit des Menschen im Mythus der afrikanischen Völker (Berlin, 1936), 192;Google ScholarMaupoil, , 63; Kalous, , Archiv Orientální, 555.Google Scholar

⁸ See Johannes, Dahse, ‘Ein zweites Goldland Salomos, Vorstudien zur Geschichte Westafrikas’, Zeitschrift für Ethnologie (1911), 58–70;Google ScholarFrobenius, , Vom Kulturreich 85–6.Google Scholar

⁹ See Milan, Kalous, ‘Some remarks on the serpent cult on the Guinea Coast’, Afrika and Übersee, no. 1 (1968), 119–22.Google Scholar

¹⁰ ‘The Voice of Africa… is… a rich storehouse of knowledge, illuminated on occasion by brilliant flashes of insight, on the ancient culture of West Africa’ (William, Fagg and Leon, Underwood, ‘An examination of the so-called “Olokun” head of Ife, Nigeria’, Man, XLIX, no. 1 (1949), 1).Google Scholar

¹¹ See for instance Frobenius u. Wilm, Heft 8, Blatt 49.

¹² Frobenius, , Und Afrika sprach, 319–20.Google Scholar

¹³ Ibid.

¹⁴ For instance Maupoil, 33, and Raymond, Mauny, Tableau géographique de l’Ouest Africain au Moyen Age (Ifan-Dakar, 1961), 538,Google Scholar were probably closer to Frobenius’s opinions about Ife than to those of Willett. Recently the American scholar Kathleen Hau published an article (‘The ancient writing of Southern Nigeria’, Bulletin de l’IFAN, XXIX, nos. 1–2, Janvier-Avril, 1967),Google Scholar in which she came, very probably without knowing it, to conclusions similar to those of Dahse and Frobenius: ‘It is startling but not fantastic to discover evidence of Minoan writing in Southern Nigeria… There is a reasonable hypothesis that invaders from Crete and Mycenae, among the Peoples of the Sea who attacked Egypt from Cyrenaica Ca. 1200 B.C., were pushed back into the coastal homeland of their Libyan allies and migrated southward’ (Hau, 168−70). The only substantial difference between the Dahse–Frobenius hypothesis and that of Hau, is that Dahse and Frobenius considered the movement to the south to have been by sea. Dahse was the first, in i 1911, to find Mediterranean cultural features on the Guinean Coast. Frobenius in fact only elaborated Dahse's rather vague hypothesis—for instance by taking into account the possible role of the rather enigmatic Peoples of the Sea. See also Annemarie, Schweeger-Exeli, ‘Problems mediterraner Kultureinflüsse in Westafrika’, Tribus, no. 9 (09, 1960), 89 and elsewhere.Google Scholar

¹⁵ See also Brian, M. Fagan, ‘Radiocarbon dates for sub-Saharan Africa: IV’, J. Afr. Hist. VII, no. 3 (1966), 496.Google Scholar

¹⁶ See Frobenius, , Und Afrika sprach, 318–9;Google ScholarDas unbekannte Afrika, 136–8; Die atlantische Gōtterlehre, 7–8; Frobenius u. Wilm, Heft 8, Blatt 49.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Annemarie, Hefel, ‘Der afrikanische Gelbguss und seine Beziehungen zu den Mittelmeerländern’, Wiener Beiträge zur Kulturgeschichte und Linguistik, V (1943), 55–6, Tafel VI.Google Scholar

¹⁸ See Thurstan, Shaw, ‘Further excavations at Igbo–Ukwu, Eastern Nigeria: an interim report’, Man, LXV, no. 217 (11–12 1965), 183.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Thurstan, Shaw, ‘Excavations at Igbo-Ukwu, Eastern Nigeria: an interim report’, Man, LX, no. 210 (11, 1960), 162.Google Scholar

²⁰ See Frobenius, , Und Afrika sprach, 295–6; Frobenius u. Wilm, Heft 8, Blatt 49.Google Scholar

²¹ See Frobenius u. Wilm, Heft 8, Blatt 49; Milan, Kalous, ‘A contribution to the problem of akori beads’, J. Afr. Hist. VII, no. 1 (1966), 66;Google ScholarMilan, Kalous, ‘Akori beads’, Bässler Archiv, Heft I (1968).Google Scholar

²² ‘A great bead-making industry has vanished from folk memory as completely as that of ancient Ife, where the glass beads which used to be dug up in the Olokun Grove are thought to grow naturally in the ground like plants’ (William, Fagg, ‘Grooved rocks at Apoje near Ijebu-Igbo, Western Nigeria’, Man, LIX, no. 330 (1959), 205).Google Scholar

²³ See Charles, Partridge, Cross River Natives (London, 1905), 268–76;Google ScholarStaudinger, P., ‘Zinnschmelzen afrikanischer Eingeborener’, Zeitschrift für Ethnologie (1911), 153;Google ScholarRosemary, L. Harris, ‘A note on sculptured stones in the Mid-Cross River area of South-East Nigeria’, Man, LIX, no. 177 (1959) 113–14;Google ScholarPhilip, A. Allison, ‘Carved stone figures in the Ekoi country of the Middle Cross River, Eastern Nigeria’, Man, LXII, no. 15 (1962), 27–8.Google Scholar

²⁴ Murray, K. C. and Frank, Willett, ‘The Ore Grove at Ife, Western Nigeria’, Man, LVIII, no. 187 (1958), 137–41.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁵ See Fagg, , 205.Google Scholar

²⁶ Goodwin, A. J. H., ‘Walls, paving, water-paths and landmarks’, Odú, no. 6, p. 46.Google Scholar

²⁷ See Frank, Willett, and Alan, Dempster, ‘Stone carvings in the Ife style from Eshure, Ekiti, Western Nigeria’, Man LXII, no. 1 (1962), 1–5.Google Scholar

²⁸ ‘There seems to have been no local tradition nor historical reference to the previous existence of such pavements… their discovery… provides some archaeological corroboration of the close contact which traditionally is said to have existed between Benin and Ife in the past’ (Graham, Connah, ‘Archaeological research in Benin City, 1961–1964’, J. Hist. Soc. Nigerïa, II, no. 4 (12, 1964), 468).Google Scholar

²⁹ William Fagg and Frank Willett, ‘Ancient Ife’, Odil, no. 8 (10. 1960), 22–3.Google Scholar

³⁰ In the collections of the Etruscan Museum, Villa Giulia, Rome.