¹ For example, for the Coast, Gold, Priestley, Margaret, West African Trade and Coast Society: a Family Study (London, 1969);Google ScholarDaaku, K. Y., Trade and Politics on the Gold Coast, 1600–1720 (Oxford, 1970);Google ScholarHenige, David, ‘John Kabe of Komenda: an early African entrepreneur and state-builder,’ J. Afr. Hist., XVIII (1977), 1–19;CrossRefGoogle ScholarReynolds, Edward, Trade and Economic Change on the Gold Coast, 1807–1874 (London, 1974).Google Scholar

² For a general survey of European contacts with this area, see Martin, Phyllis M., The External Trade of the Loango Coast, 1576–1870 (Oxford, 1972).Google Scholar

³ Part of the research for this article was carried out in Lisbon, Luanda and Cabinda the summer of 1975. This was made possible by a grant from the Joint Committee on African Studies of the American Council of Learned Societies and the Social Science Research Council. I am especially grateful to the family of Alexandre and Maria Raquel Serrano who gave me hospitality and to my guide and interpreter Pedro Casimiro Sango. Tapes of interviews are deposited with the Archives of Traditional Music, Indiana University.Google Scholar

⁴ Degrandpré, L. M. J. O'Hier,Voyages à la côte occidentale d'Afrique faits dons les annėes, 1786–1787 (Paris, 1801), I, 107;Google ScholarMartins, Joaquim, Cabindas: História, Crença, Usos e Costumes (Cabinda, 1972), 177–8.Google Scholar For the Kongo south of the Zaire river, see MacGaffey, Wyatt, Custom and Government in the Lower Congo (Berkeley, 1970), 98.Google Scholar

⁵ See the discussion of the term ‘family’ as it has been used in a variety of contexts in Marks, Shula and Rathbone, Richard, ‘The history of the family in Africa: introduction,” F. Afr. Hist., XXIV, ii (1983), 149–50. In this discussion the term will be used to designate a set of kinsfolk who do not necessarily live together. When co-residents are included the term ‘household” will be used; and a village is a cluster of households.Google Scholar

⁶ See, for example, Marks and Rathbone, ‘The history of the family in Africa,”Google Scholar and Sabean, David Warren, ‘The history of the family in Africa and Europe: some comparative perspectives,’ J. Afr. Hist., XXIV, ii (1983), 163–71.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷ Degrandpré, Voyage, II, 26;Google ScholarRinchon, D., Pierre-Ignace-Lievin Van Aistein (Dakar, 1964), 37.Google Scholar

⁸ Barbot, J. and Casseneuve, J., ‘An Abstract of a Voyage to the Congo River and to Cabinda in the year 1700,’ in A Collection of Voyages and Travels, compiled by Churchill, A. (London, 1732), V, 511.Google Scholar

⁹ Ibid.

¹⁰ Owen, W. F. W., Narrative of Voyages to explore the Shores of Africa, Asia and Madagascar (London, 1833), 11, 171.Google Scholar

¹¹ Interviews with Púcata Capita, Caio, 9 July 1975; Franque, José Barros, Zangoyo, 10 and 12 July 1975;Google ScholarLima, Fernando and Jack, Fernando Pitra, Zangoyo, 11 July 1975; Francisco Barros Jack, Nova Estrela, 11 July 1975.Google Scholar Also, Bastian, Adolf, Die Deutsche Expedition an der Loango Küste (Jena, 1874), I, 213–15;CrossRefGoogle ScholarSerrano, Carlos, Os Senhores da Terra e os Homens do Mar (São Paulo, 1983), 71–6.Google Scholar

¹² Bastian, Die Deutsche Expedition, I 194–5;Google ScholarPechuël-Loesche, E., Volkskunde von Loango (Stuttgart, 1907), 175–7;Google Scholar also Vaz, José Martins, No Mundo dos Cabindas: Estudo Etnográfico (Lisbon, 1970), II, 24.Google Scholar

¹³ Ngoyo king-lists include ten names, the last dating from the mid-nineteenth century and the last crowned king being the eighth ruler. See, Papers of Père Troesche, Archives of the Congregation du Saint-Esprit (CSSp), Luanda; Franque, D. José, Nós, os Cabindas (Lisbon, 1940), 15–35;Google ScholarMartins, Ivaristo, ‘Monarquia do Ngoio,’ Portugal em Africa, n.s., XIII (1956), 197–210.Google Scholar A fourth important family of Ngoyo, Nsimbo, which provided two of the kings of Ngoyo, is not considered here since their main territorial base was not at Cabinda Bay but at a point on the coast to the south near the modern village of Vista.

¹⁴ Serrano, Senhores da Terra, 70, fn. 6.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Ravenstein, E. G. (ed.), The Strange Adventures of Andrew Battell in Angola and adjoining Regions (London, 1901), 66;Google ScholarProyart, L. B., Histoire de Loango, Kakongo et autres royaumes d'Afrique (Paris, 1776), 108;Google Scholarde Campos, Evaristo, ‘Monografia de Cabinda,’ Portugal em Africa, n.s., XVIII (1960), 32;Google ScholarMartins, Cabindas, 280.Google Scholar For the importance of the sea in the Cabindan economy, see also Martin, Phyllis M., ‘Cabinda and Cabindans: some aspects of an African maritime Society,’ in Stone, Jeffrey C. (ed.), Africa and the Sea (Aberdeen University African Studies Group, 1985), 80–96.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Bastian, Die Deutsche Expedition, 1, 191; Franque, Nós, os Cabindas, 37–40, 137; Vaz, No Mundo dos Cabindas, 11, 12–29; Serrano, Senhores da Terra, 69–71.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Degrandpré, Voyage, 1, 105–7, 182–4, 196–8; Rinchon, Van Alstein, 108–9, 173–4;Google ScholarCuvelier, J., Documents sur une mission francaise au Kakongo, 1766–1776 (Brussels, 1956), 38;Google ScholarProyart, Histoire de Loango, 150, 157–9.Google Scholar

¹⁸ The general outlines of the eighteenth century West Central African slave trade are well-known, especially through the work of Joseph C. Miller. See, for example, his ‘The Slave Trade in Congo and Angola’ in Kilson, Martin L. and Rotberg, Robert I. (eds.), The African Diaspora: Interpretive Essays (Cambridge, Mass., 1976), 75–113;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and ‘The Paradoxes of Impoverishment in the Atlantic Zone’ in Birmingham, David and Martin, Phyllis M. (eds.), History of CentralAfrica (London, 1983), I, 118–59;Google Scholar and Way of Death: the Angolan Slave Trade, 1730–1830, forthcoming; also Martin, External Trade, 73–135.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Bastian, Die Deutsche Expedition, 1, 82, 216–18;Google Scholar Arquivo Histórico de Angola (AHA), Luanda, Avulsos, Cabinda, 11–26–4, ‘Relatório: O Reino de Cabinda,’ by de Serpa Pimentel, J. P., Cabinda, 25 May 1885,Google Scholar published in de Oliveira, M. A. F., Angolana (Documentação sobre Angola), 11, 670–701;Google Scholar also Pimentel, , ‘O Congo Portuguez: Relatórios sobre as Feitorias do Zaire, seu Commercio, Trabaihos de Stanley, Missões Inglezas e Cabinda,’ Boletim da Sociedade Geografia de Lisboa, 7A serie, 4 (1887), 293.Google Scholar

²⁰ Pinto, F. A., Angola e Congo (Lisbon, 1888), 184.Google Scholar

²¹ Degrandpré, Voyage, 1, 108–9, 193; Proyart, Histoire de Loango, 95; for a more recent discussion of Woyo social organization, see Vaz, Mundo dos Cabindas, 1, 169–77; 23–25, 24–9, 56–76;Google Scholar for the closely related Vili of Loango, see Hagenbucher-Sacripanti, Frank, Les fondements spirituels du pouvoir au royaume de loango (Paris, 1973), 1–62.Google Scholar For flexibility in kinship strategies among the related Kongo south of the Zaire river see MacGaffey, Wyatt, ‘Lineage structure, marriage and the family amongst the Central Bantu’Google Scholar and Hilton, Anne, ‘Family and kinship among the Kongo south of the Zaire river from the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries,’ J. Afr. Hist., XXIV, ii (1983), 173–206.Google Scholar

²² Cuvelier, Documents, 51; Pechuël-Loesche, Volkskunde, 214.Google Scholar

²³ Degrandpré, Voyage, 1, 115, 210; Proyart, Histoire de Loango, 52–3, 121; Bastian, Die Deutsche Expedition, 1, 194; Pechuël-Loesche, Volkskunde von Loango, 195–9.Google Scholar

²⁴ Degrandpré, Voyage, 1, 186–7, 209;Google Scholar Archive de la Marine, Paris, B4/267, Journal of Marigny, Cabinda, 16 June 1783.

²⁵ Franque, Nós, os Cabindas, 49, 81–2.Google Scholar This book has to be used with care since part of it is clearly based on the work published forty years previously by Silva, João de Mattos e, Contribuição para a Estudo da Região de Cabinda (Lisbon, 1904).Google Scholar Mattos e Silva was the Director of Health Services in Cabinda for nine years. The insertion of pieces from the Mattos and Silva text into the Franque book may have been the work of the Portuguese editor of the latter. However, some parts of Franque's book are invaluable since they contain information on the family not available elsewhere. An anthropologist who has recently published a book on the kingdom of Ngoyo has arrived at the same conclusions as my own on the above question and also on Franque's origins: Serrano, Carlos, Senhores da Terra, 78–83.Google Scholar

²⁶ Franque, Nós, os Cabindas, 10, 49; Degrandpré, Voyage, I, 121–2, 189–91, 199–202.Google Scholar

²⁷ In the late eighteenth century, French was the trade language at Cabinda, Malemba and Loango, and there are several references to the sons of important men being sent to France for education. For example, Proyart, Histoire de Loango, 245, 259; Rinchon, Van Alstein, 156; Cuvelier, Documents, 35, 55; Archives Nationales, Paris, C6/24 Report of Captain Bourse, Malemba, 5 October 1783. With the decline of French influence and the rise of the importance of the trade with Brazil and contacts with Portuguese traders in Angola and along the Zaire river, Portuguese became the most commonly used European language at Cabinda in the nineteenth century.Google Scholar

²⁸ See Martin, External Trade, 87–90.Google Scholar

²⁹ CSSp, Paris, Box, 471/IV, Report of Père D'Hyèvres, Landana, 10 September 1870; Public Record Office, London (PRO), FO 84/909, Consul Brand to Admiralty, Luanda, 14 January 1853; e Silva, Mattos, Contribuição, 8; interview with José Barros Franque, Zangoyo, 10 July 1975.Google Scholar

³⁰ For the nineteenth-century slave trade at Cabinda and along the Zaire river, see Klein, Herbert S., The Middle Passage: Comparative Studies in the Atlantic Slave Trade (Princeton, 1978);CrossRefGoogle ScholarMiller, Joseph C., ‘Legal Portuguese slaving from Angola: some preliminary indications of volume and direction,” Revue Française d'Histoire d'Outre Mer, LXII (17), 135–76, and Way of Death: the Angolan Slave Trade, 1730–1830, forthcoming;Google ScholarEltis, David, ‘The export of slaves from Africa, 1821–1843,’ J. Econ. Hist., XXXVII (1977), 419–33;Google Scholar ‘The direction and fluctuation of the transatlantic trade, 1844–1867’ (paper for meeting of the African Studies Association, Bloomington, Indiana, 1981); idem, Economic Growth and Coercion: the Ending of the Atlantic Slave Trade, forthcoming. I am grateful to Professor Eltis for allowing me to read part of his manuscript and for commenting on the slave-trade figures for Cabinda.

³¹ Rebelo, Manuel da Silva, ‘Cabinda de ha urn Seculo’, Revista Occidente, LXXXI, 403 (1971), 304–10;Google Scholar interview with Manuel da Silva Rebelo, Cabinda, 22 June 1975; e Silva, Mattos, Contribuição, 8; Franque, Nós, os Cabindas, 51, 62;Google ScholarVerger, Pierre, Flux et Reflux de la Traite des Nègres entre le Golfe de Benin et Bahia de todas os Santos du dix-septième au dix-neuvième Siècle (Paris, 1968), 251, 276.Google Scholar

³² Burton, R. F., Two Trips to Gorilla Land and the Cataracts of the Congo (London, 1876), 11, 92;Google ScholarBontinck, François, ‘Le site de Ponta de Lenha’, Ngonge: Carnets des Sciences Humaines (Kinshasa), no. 31, 4th series, no. 1, passim.Google Scholar For further details on the organization of the Zaire river trade, see Schrag, Norm, ‘Mboma and the Lower Zaire: socio-economic study of a Kongo trading community, c. 1785–1885’ (Ph.D. thesis, Indiana University, 1985).Google Scholar

³³ Bouët-Willaumez, E., Commerce et traite des noirs aux côtes occidentales d'Afrique (Paris, 1848), 163–7, 191–2, 197, 207–8;Google Scholar PRO, FO 84/572, Annual report on the Slave Trade, Luanda, 31 December 1845; FO 84/1183, Edmonstone to Walker, 7 November 1861; FO 84/925, Admiralty to Russell, enc. Wilmot, 29 September 1852; FO 84/902, Governor of Benguela to Luanda Commissioners, and 9 December 1853; FO 84/865, Fanshawe to Admiralty, 23 April 1851.

³⁴ PRO, FO 84/440, Matson to Foote, 24 May 1842.Google Scholar

³⁵ PRO, FO 84/219, Matson Evidence to the Select Committee on the Slave Trade, March 1848; FO 84/440, Matson to Foote, 24 May 1842; FO 84/572, Annual Report the Slave Trade, Luanda, 31 December 1845;Google Scholar on the Fonseca Company and other Brazilian traders, see Karash, Mary C., ‘The Brazilian slavers and the illegal slave trade, 1836–1851’ (M.A. thesis, University of Wisconsin, 1967).Google Scholar

³⁶ For Cabinda connections to Boma and Punta de Lenha, see, PRO, FO 84/1183, Edmonstone to Walker, 7 November 1861; Annual Report on the Slave Trade, Luanda, December 1845;Google Scholar British Parliamentary Accounts and Papers, 1854–1955, LVI, Bedingfeld Skene, 3 July 1854; Bouët-Willaumez, Commerce et traite, 166.Google Scholar Bastian reported that one time the Cabinda chiefs attempted to monopolize the Boma slave market and intervened in local politics to appoint their own candidates in Boma as chiefs. Bastian also refers to meeting Cabinda slave traders in Mbanza Kongo in 1857. Francisco Franque not mentioned by name in these sources, but it seems very likely that as one of the most powerful merchants at Cabinda his trading contacts would reach out this far; see, Bastian, , Die Deutsche Expedition, I, 33–4, 127; 11, 9.Google Scholar

³⁷ Atkins, John, Voyage to Guinea, Brazil and the West Indies (second edition, London, 1737), 166.Google Scholar See also Martin, ‘Cabinda and Cabindans”, 81–3, 86–9.Google Scholar

³⁸ PRO, FO 84/865, Fanshawe to Admiralty, 29 April 1861; FO 84/1183, Edmonstone Walker, 7 November 1861; FO 84/826, Fanshawe to Admiralty, 10 April 1850; FO 84/842, Report of Captain Adams, 7 May 1842; also Matson, Henry J., Remarks on the Slave Trade and the Atlantic Squadron (London, 1848), 25;Google ScholarBouët-Willaumez, Commerce et traite, 208.Google Scholar

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⁴² PRO, FO 84/925, Wilmot to Bruce, 20 October 1852 and Seymour to Admiralty, 18 December 1852.Google Scholar

⁴³ Tams, G., Visit to the Portuguese Possessions in South- Western Africa (London, 1845; reprinted 1969), 1, 226.Google Scholar There are many sources which refer to Cabindan emigrant workers, for example, PRO, FO 84/672, Gabriel to Jackson, 2 April 1847; FO 84/835, Fernão de Jack to H.M. Commissioners, 32 March 1851; Jeannest, Charles, Quatre années au Congo (Paris, 1883), 7–8, 27;Google ScholarGüssfeldt, P., Die Loango Expedition (Leipzig, 1879), 1, 48;Google ScholarMonteiro, Joachim J., Angola and the River Congo (London, 1875), 107, 213, 139.Google Scholar Cabindans often enlisted on European ships sailing from Angolan ports, see lists of ships and crews in Boletim Official (Luanda), 1847–1951.

⁴⁴ PRO, FO 84/569, Report of the ‘Uranda’, II November 1844; FO 84/769, Report on the case of the launch ‘Fortina’, 28 March 1848; FO 84/864, Fanshawe to Admiralty, 30 December 1850; FO 84/985, Proceedings of the Mixed Commission, Luanda, 8 November 186; FO 63/1114, Wise to Gray, 19 May 1858. The unit of exchange in which workers along the Loango Coast were paid in the nineteenth century was a cortado originally based on six yards of cotton cloth of medium quality; see Güssfeldt, , Die Loango Expedition, 1, 62–3;Google Scholar‘Relatório: o Reino de Cabinda’, Oliveira, , Angolana, 11, 62;Google ScholarChavanne, Josef, Reisen und Forschungen im alten und neuen Kongostaate in den fahren 1884 und 1885 (Jena, 1887), 444.Google Scholar

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⁴⁷ Scheper, A. F. (ed.), West Afrika, 1857–1858: Reisjournaal van Lodewijk Kerdijk (Schiedam, 1978), 117.Google Scholar

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⁵⁴ Ibid., 117. Highly ornate caps made from pineapple, banana and raphia fibres were worn as signs of authority by persons of rank throughout the Kongo region. Whereas the wearing of locally made cloth was quite restricted in Cabinda and surrounding areas by the nineteenth century due to the popularity of imported cloth, the wearing of caps continued. Cabindan men were especially famous for their weaving and needlework skills. See Gibson, Gordon D. and McGurk, Cecilia R., ‘High-status caps of the Kongo and Mbundu peoples’, Textile Museum Journal, 1 (1977), 71–96,Google Scholar and Martin, Phyllis M., ‘Power, cloth and currency among the societies of the Loango Coast’ (paper presented at the annual meeting of the African Studies Association, New Orleans, 1985).Google Scholar

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⁷² Chico is the nickname for Francisco. It will be used here for the younger Franque in order to distinguish him from his uncle.Google Scholar

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⁹¹ PRO, FO 84/1457, Report of Franco, M. B. J., Punta de Lenha, 26 April 1877; Franque, Nós, os Cabindas, 10–11.Google Scholar

⁹² AHA, Avulsos, Cabinda, 11–2–3, Report of Governor P. de Azevedo Coutinho on Antonio Franque, 30 October 1901; 11–3–1, Governor of Congo Province to Governor-General, Cabinda, 11 December 1903; 11–7–3, Governor of Congo Province to Governor-General, Cabinda, 4 December 1909; interview with José Filipo Macove, Simulambuco, 11 July 1975; interview with Bartolemeu Maitica and Setche-Joaquim Ivaba, Ngoyo village, 9 July 1975.Google Scholar

⁹³ AHA, Avulsos, Cabinda, 11–15–4, Report of Governor of Congo District, Cabinda, 23 July 1893; Oliveira, ‘Cabinda e o seu Baronato’, 333–4; Martins, Cabindas, 43–4. The bust of the Portuguese ruler still adorned Puna's tomb in the cemetery near Simulambuco in 1975.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Oliveira, ‘Cabinda e o seu Baronato’, 334; Martins, Cabindas, 44.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ AHA, Avulsos, Cabinda, 11–15–4, Report of Governor of Congo District, Cabinda, 23 July 1893; e Silva, Mattos, Contribuição, 9.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Carneiro, José Luis da Costa, ‘Cabinda no contexto da “Corrida para a Africa”’, Ultramar, ano 9, no. 34 (1968), 52, 70;Google ScholarGalvão, Henrique, Outras Terras, outras Gentes; Viagens em Africa, Porto, n.d. (1944), I, 137.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ A Provincia de Angola, 8 February 1963.Google Scholar For the connection with Portugal and Angola, see Martin, Phyllis M., ‘The Cabinda connection: an historical perspective’, African Affairs, LXXVI (1977), 47–59.CrossRefGoogle Scholar