¹ Alpers, E. A., Ivory and Slaves in East Central Africa (London, 1975).Google Scholar The extracts are taken from pages 46–9 and page 53.

² Alpers, E. A. and Ehret, C., ‘Eastern Africa’, Cambridge History of Africa, iv (Cambridge, 1975), 517.Google Scholar

³ Alpers, , Ivory and Slaves, 47.Google Scholar

⁴ Schoffeleers, J. M., ‘Symbolic and social aspects of spirit worship among the Mang'anja’ (D.Phil, thesis, Oxford University, 1968), 104.Google Scholar

⁵ Hafkin, N., ‘Trade, society and politics in northern Mozambique’ (Ph.D. thesis, Boston University, 1973), 10.Google Scholar The authority she gives is Schoffeleers, whose own authority is Alpers. See note 4 above.

⁶ Alpers, E. A., ‘The Mutapa and Malawi political systems’, in Ranger, T. O. (ed.), Aspects of Central African History (London, 1968), 19.Google Scholar

⁷ Langworthy, H., ‘A history of Undi's kingdom to 1890: aspects of Chewa history in East Central Africa’ (Ph.D. thesis, Boston University, 1969), 126.Google Scholar

⁸ Abraham, D.P., ‘Tasks in the field of early history’ (revised), cyclostyled in Conference on the History of the Central African Peoples (Rhodes–Livingstone Institute, Lusaka, 1963).Google Scholar

⁹ Abraham's footnote in fact says: ‘… Informants from the Pimbi section of the a Maravi living in P.E.A. east of Mount Darwin District have explicitly stated to me that in their opinion the vaMbire of Southern Rhodesia are their clan-fellows, but are unable to demonstrate the connection genealogically…’.

¹⁰ Langworthy, , ‘A History of Undi's kingdom’, 117, 126.Google ScholarPhiri, K., in his thesis ‘Chewa history in Central Malawi and the use of oral tradition, 1600–1020’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Wisconsin, 1975)Google Scholar has on page 52 the magnificently enigmatic remark ‘It is now apparent that Kalonga's kingdom was established some time before or after 1480’.

¹¹ Alpers, , Ivory and Slaves, 66, n. 24.Google Scholar

¹² de Monclaro, Francisco, S.J., ‘Relação da Viagem Q Fizerão os P^es da Companhia de Jesus com Fran^co Barretto na Conquista de Monomotapa no anno de 1569’, in Theal, G. M. (ed.), Records of South Eastern Africa (9 vols., Cape Town, 1898–1903; reprinted Cape Town 1964), iii, 226.Google Scholar

¹³ Alpers, , Ivory and Slaves, 47.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Alpers, and Ehret, , ‘Eastern Africa’, 517.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Langworthy, , ‘A History of Undi's kingdom’, 165, 166.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Axelson, E., Portuguese in South East Africa, 1488–1600 (Johannesburg, 1973), 137.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Ibid., 135.

¹⁸ E.g. Ibid. 144, 149, 150, 167, etc.

¹⁹ Alpers, , Ivory and Slaves, 47.Google Scholar

²⁰ Ibid. 49.

²¹ Ibid.

²² Langworthy, , ‘A History of Undi's kingdom’, 166.Google Scholar

²³ Lupi, Eduardo do Couto, Angoche – Breve Memória sobre uma das capitanias-mores do distrito de Moçambique (Lisbon, 1907).Google Scholar This book is discussed also in Hafkin, ‘Trade, society and polities’, 14.

²⁴ There are major problems about the identification of Muzura which are discussed below.

²⁵ de Monclaro, Francisco S.J., ‘Relação da Viagem…’ is published in Theal, (ed.), Records…, iii, 157–253Google Scholar, and in Documents on the Portuguese in Mozambique and Central Africa, viii (Lisbon, 1975), 324–429.Google Scholar

²⁶ dos Santos, João, Ethiopia Oriental (Evora, 1609).Google Scholar Extracts in Theal, (ed.), Records…, vii, 1–370.Google Scholar

²⁷ Bocarro, António, ‘Decada da India’. Extracts printed in Theal, (ed.), Records…, iii, 254–435.Google Scholar

²⁸ Luis Mariano, S.J., letter of 1624 printed in German translation with a commentary in Schurhammer, G., ‘Die Entdeckung des Niassa-Sees’, Stimmen der Zeit, xcix (1920), 349–56.Google Scholar The original is reproduced in Beccari, C. (ed.), Rerum Aethiopicarum, xii (Rome, 1912), 112–14.Google Scholar

²⁹ Gomes, António, ‘Viagem que fez o Padre Ant° Gomes, da Comp^a de Jesus, ao Imperio de Manomotapa; e a assistencia que fez nas ditas terras d^e algus annos’, edited by Axelson, E., Studio, iii (1959), 155–242.Google Scholar

³⁰ Extracts from Couto's writings concerning East Africa are printed in Theal, (ed.), Records…, vi, 307–410.Google Scholar

³¹ The earliest map which purports to give information about the peoples of the lower Zambezi is that attributed to Bartolomeu Velho and dated 1561. This map has been reproduced and discussed by Randies, W. G. L., ‘South East Africa and the Empire of Monomotapa as shown on selected printed maps of the 16th Century’, Studia, ii (1958), 149–70Google Scholar and in Cortesão, Armando and da Mota, Avelino Teixeira, Portugaliae Monumenta Cartographica, 6 vols. (Lisbon, 1960).Google Scholar This map clearly marks the name Mozimba and, if taken at face value, this would suggest that the Zimba were already in situ and known to the Portuguese at least by 1561. There are, however, problems with this map which should not be ignored. Randies has rightly pointed out that the only known map with similar nomenclature is Pigafetta's map of 1591 but, he says, ‘Pigafetta had no direct knowledge of Bartolomeu Velho's world map…’ (p. 160). Nor, indeed, did other cartographers or Velho himself, who includes this information on none of his other maps. One explanation might be that these names were added to Velho's map after the publication of Pigafetta's map by some unknown hand. This is suggested by the way in which the names have been written over internal geographical features and over other names. Moreover, the inclusion of ‘Benguella’ alongside ‘Angola’ in letters indicating that it is a province or kingdom suggests strongly that this name at least was added after the founding of the Portuguese captaincy of Benguella in 1607. In general, therefore, not too much reliance should be placed on this map as evidence for the presence of the Zimba in Zambesia before 1561.

³² Monclaro, , ‘Relação…’ in Theal, (ed.), Records…, iii, 220, 234.Google Scholar

³³ Nurse, G. T., ‘The people of Bororo: a lexicostatistical study’, in Pachai, B. (ed.), The Early History of Malawi (London, 1972), 123–35.Google Scholar

³⁴ Isaacman, Allen, The Tradition of Resistance in Mozambique (London, 1976), 4.Google Scholar

³⁵ Santos says that Mongaze was the name of the chief; see ‘Ethiopia Oriental’ in Theal, (ed.), Records…, vii, 263.Google Scholar

³⁶ Monclaro, , ‘Relação…’, in Theal, (ed.), Records…, iii, 238–9.Google Scholar

³⁷ Schoffeleers, J. M., ‘M'Bona the guardian spirit of the Manganja’ (B.Litt. thesis, Oxford, 1966), 5–8.Google Scholar

³⁸ Couto in Theal, (ed.), Records…, vi, 393.Google Scholar

³⁹ Ibid.

⁴⁰ Miller, Joseph, ‘Requiem for the Jaga’, Cahiers d'Etudes Africaines, xiii (1973), 121–49.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For criticism of Miller's article see Hilton, Anne, ‘The Jaga reconsidered’, Journal of African History, xxiii (1981), 191–202.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴¹ King to viceroy, Lisbon 31 Jan. 1602 and 26 Feb. 1602 in Theal, (ed.), Records…, iv, 50, 51.Google Scholar

⁴² Santos, in Theal, (ed.), Records…, vii, 290–1.Google Scholar

⁴³ Alpers, , Ivory and Slaves, 49.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Gomes, , ‘Viagem…’, Studia, iii (1959), 184.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Santos, in Theal, (ed.), Records…, vii, 299–304.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Miller, ‘Requiem for the Jaga’. Steven Feierman has proposed that the Zimba of Mombasa, at least, should be understood in terms of local political relations and not as an intrusive group. See Curtin, P. D., Feierman, S., Thompson, L. and Vansina, J., African History (London, 1978), 177.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Phiri, , ‘Chewa History…’, 49.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Alpers, , Ivory and Slaves, 49.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Alpers, and Ehret, , ‘Eastern Africa’, 517.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Santos, in Theal, (ed.), Records…, vii, 299.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Axelson, , Portuguese in South-East Africa, 1488–1600, 176–7.Google Scholar

⁵² Bocarro, in Theal, (ed.), Records…, iii, 361–4.Google Scholar

⁵³ Bocarro, Ibid. 363.

⁵⁴ Santos, for instance, describes the fortified camp of the Zimba in this way; ‘a strong double pallisade of wood, with its ramparts and loopholes for arrows, surrounded by a very deep and wide trench within which the enemy were most defiant’. Theal, (ed.), Records…, vii, 294.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ For example, Langworthy, , ‘A History of Undi's Kingdom’, 169.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Gomes, , ‘Viagem…’, Studia, iii, 199.Google Scholar Abraham first drew particular attention to this passage in ‘Tasks in the Field of Early History’.

⁵⁷ See accounts in Langworthy, , ‘A History of Undi's kingdom’, 167–8Google Scholar and Alpers, , Ivory and Slaves, 53–4.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ See the account of Gaspar Bocarro's journey of 1616 in António Bocarro in Theal, (ed.), Records…, iii, 417Google Scholar and Barretto, Manuel, S.J., ‘Report upon the State and Conquest of the Rivers of Cuama’, in Theal, (ed.), Records…, iii, 436–508.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ de Rezende, Pedro Barretto, ‘Extract from the Book entitled of the State of India’ in Theal, (ed.), Records…, ii, 407.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Gatsi Lusere to Nuno Alvares Pereira, 4 June 1620, printed in da Silva Rego, A. (ed.), Documentos Remittidos da India, vii (Lisbon, 1975), 322, 324Google Scholar; Axelson, E., Portuguese in South East Africa 1600–1700 (Johannesburg, 1960), 67.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Cacegas, Luis (‘Extracts from a History of the Order of Saint Dominic’, in Theal, (ed.), Records…, 1, 399)Google Scholar says that the army raised by the Portuguese for the defeat of Kaparidze was obtained ‘from the other side of the river’. However, this account was written only in 1767 and contemporary sources only say that they were vassals of the Portuguese. See Axelson, , Portuguese in South East Africa 1600–1700, 70.Google Scholar

⁶² Francisco de Lucena to the king, n.d., in Theal, (ed.), Records…, iv, 274–81.Google Scholar

⁶³ See the account of Gaspar Bocarro's journey in António Bocarro, in Theal, (ed.), Records…, iiiGoogle Scholar, and the letter of Mariano. In the Archivo Histórico do Estado da India in Goa (Livros dos Monções, no. 17) is a letter from the king to the viceroy dated 27 February 1633, referring to a letter from the Castellan of Mozambique, Cristovão de Brito e Vasconcellos, which had mentioned ‘the Marave cafres who have conquered a great part of the mainland adjoining Mozambique and have passed on to Mombasa’. Later he mentions the ‘Macuas cafres enemies of the Maraves’. These references might be taken as further evidence for the identification of the Zimba with a section of the Maraves, and they might also be seen as implying a fairly recent Marave occupation of the hinterland of Mozambique.