Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 January 2009
2 Stein, , ‘Mortality’, 39.Google Scholar Other authors have also tried to explain mortality rate variations by looking at voyage length. For example, see LeVeen, E. P., British Slave Trade Suppression Policies, 1821–1865: Impact and Implications (New York, 1977), 102–6Google Scholar, and Klein, H. S., The Middle Passage (Princeton, 1978), 86–9.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
3 Stein, , ‘Mortality’, 36Google Scholar (for percentages), 38 (for voyage lengths).
4 This procedure follows that given in Miller, J. C., ‘Mortality in the Atlantic slave trade: statistical evidence on causality’, Journal of Interdisciplinary History xi, iii (1981), 385–423CrossRefGoogle Scholar
5 The actual formula used was to divide the fraction that died by the length of the voyage and then multiply by one thousand. As Stein's death percentages are undoubtedly rounded, the actual mortality rates could vary slightly from those given in the text. However, under any realistic rounding procedure, the mortality rate found for the period before the Seven Years' War is larger than that for the period after the Seven Years' War.
6 See Cohn, Raymond L. and Jensen, Richard A., ‘Mortality in the Atlantic slave trade: statistical evidence on causality: comment’, Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 1982, forthcoming.Google Scholar
7 For more on an approach of this type, see Cohn, Raymond L. and Jensen, Richard A., ‘The determinants of slave mortality rates on the middle passage’, in Explorations in Economic History, 1982, forthcoming.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed