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² The major exceptions to this are Professor Muller's own more judicious, if somewhat vague, statements on the Mfecane, and the few remarks made in chapter 16 on the African reaction to the unification of South Africa.

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⁴ Ibid. 190.

⁵ Brookes, E. H. and Hurwitz, N., The Native Reserves of Natal, Natal Regional Survey, vii (Natal, 1957), 4.Google Scholar F. Wolfson, ‘Some aspects of the Native Administration in Natal under Theophilus Shepstone’ (Wits, M. A., 1946), 29,Google Scholar maintains that they were inadequate from the outset. The phrase is that of the missionary Aldin Grout. See also South African Native Affairs Commission, 1903–5, v, 63, Evidence of J. W. Shepstone. The major reason for the artificial land shortage was the speculation of land colonization companies.Google Scholar

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⁹ Horwitz, R., The Political Economy of South Africa (London, 1967), 32, 39–40;Google ScholarDenoon, D., ‘Reconstruction in the Transvaal’ (Ph.D., Cambridge, 1965), kindly shown me by Dr Denoon.Google Scholar

¹⁰ 500 Years, 202. The author of this chapter appears to share the view of the exlanddrost of Zoutpansberg, G. G. Munnik, who declared before the S.A.N.A C.: ‘Speaking as a Boer, I think that the Boers are of opinion that it is wrong to allow Kafirs to squat on Government ground. They think that there are plenty of other and better uses for Government ground than to allow Kafirs to squat on it…. He [the Kafir] does not need water as he waits for rain…’ (iv, 476, 486).Google Scholar

¹¹ CO 179/212/21864, Encl. Report, C. R. Saunders, on the Delimitation of Zululand.

¹² 500 Years, 275, Chap. 14, by Dr van Zyl, M. C..Google Scholar

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¹⁵ For an excellent assessment of the repercussions of this process on race attitudes see Van den Berghe, P., Race and Racism (N.Y. 1967), chap. 5.Google Scholar See also Hancock, W. K.A Survey of British Commonwealth Affairs, 11, part 2 (London, 1947), 42.Google Scholar

¹⁶ J. H., and Simons, R. E., Colour and Class in South Africa (Penguin, 1969) 90–4.Google Scholar For the phrase, see Simons, H. J. ‘South Africa's industrial colour bar’, unpubl. seminar paper, I.C.S., 17 02 1966.Google ScholarCf., Hancock, Survey, 42:Google Scholar ‘South Africa's national historian, if ever be should arise to tell with pride the story of how his country rejected a liberal doctrine which was foreign to her blood and soil, will not, if he is just, give all the glory to the descendants of the Voortrekkers. The triumph…will belong in part to those sturdy British workmen who made themselves at home on South African soil. The historian will not forget their vindication of the colour bar. Nor will he omit to record that it was their labour party which first appealed to the white voters of South Africa with a full-blooded programme of racial segregation.’ As Johnstone, F. A. has recently pointed out (‘Class conflict and colour bars in the South African gold mining industry, 1910–26’, unpubl. seminar paper, Inst. Commonwealth Studies, London, 26 02 1970), we also need to look anew at the role of the mining magnates in the erection of industrial colour bars.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Theal, G. M., Records of the Cape Colony, IV (London, 1899–1905), 381. Journal of Truter and Somerville.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Mason, R. J., ‘The origin of South African society’, South African Journal of Science, LXI, no. 7 (07 1965), 265.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Hancock, , Survey, 44–5.Google Scholar

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²¹ Lewsen, P. (ed.), The Merriman Papers, IV (Van Riebeck Society, no. 50, Cape Town, 1969).Google Scholar See especially the letters written to Steyn, M. T. in 1922–1923. A typical ex&le of 30 Sept. 1912 runs: ‘It grieves me greatly to feel that the S.A.P. is earning a reputation for rapacity and maladministration. With the exception of Smuts, Fischer and Burton it seems to me that the last place one looks for a minister is in his office conducting the affairs of the country—for which he is paid on a scale higher than any country in the world except England.’.Google Scholar

²² Oxford History, p. v.Google Scholar

²³ 500 Years, 430. Also 434.Google Scholar

²⁴ Ranger, T. O. (ed.) Emerging Themes in African History (London, 1968), especially Oliver, R., 56–7.Google Scholar

²⁵ Elton, G. R., The Practice of History (Fontana, 1969), p. 22.Google Scholar

²⁶ Thompson, L. M. (ed.), African Societies in Southern Africa before 1880 (London, 1969).Google Scholar

²⁷ Oxford History, 23.Google Scholar

²⁸ Ibid. 30

²⁹ The earlier view that Khoikhoi cattle also differed in type from that of the Southern Bantu, being humped Zebu as opposed to the Sanga cattle of the Nguni, is apparently no longer considered valid. Afrikander cattle which are descended from the cattle of the Khoikhoi are now regarded as Sanga also. I am grateful to Mr Ian Mason of the Institute of Animal Genetics, Edinburgh, for this information. See also Mason, I. L. and Maule, J. P., The Indigenous Livestock of Eastern and Southern Africa (Commonwealth Agricultural Bureau, 1960).Google Scholar

³⁰ Westphal, E. O. J., ‘The linguistic prehistory of Southern Africa: Bush, Kwadi, Hottentot and Bantu Relationships’, Africa, XXXIII, no. iii (1963), pp 253–6;Google ScholarOxford History, 104.Google Scholar

³¹ Oxford History, 56, 58, 108.Google Scholar

³² See my ‘The traditions of the Natal Nguni’, in African Societies in Southern Africa before 1880 (ed. Thompson, L.), 132, for a statement of the problem.Google Scholar

³³ Oxford History, 58–9.Google Scholar

³⁴ Ibid 67, 71. Monica Wilson does, however, suggest that the disintegration of culture and adaptability might be opposite sides of the same coin (p. 73).

³⁵ C 31, Cape archives, Records of the D.E.I.C., Re/utions of the Council of Policy, pp. 28 ff. Report Landdrost, P. Lourensz and Burgher, Captain re Commando into Nagaqualand, 08–09 1739;Google Scholar Report Krywagen, , 2 06 1739, pp. 163–203.Google Scholar Also van der Merwe, P. J., Die Noordwaartse Beweging van die Boere voor die Groot Trek (The Hague, 1937) 8.Google Scholar

³⁶ Oxford History, 247.Google Scholar

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⁴⁰ van der Merwe, P. J., Die Noordwaartse Beweging, 19–21. The increasingly bitter warfare in the northeast needs examining. It may be that by the 1770s the San were being squeezed simultaneously on all fronts and this may also account for their deteriorating relations with the Xhosa also.Google Scholar

⁴¹ The Harmless People (1st publ. 1959, Penguin, 1969).Google Scholar

⁴² The best description of this process is probably in Tabler, E. W., The Far Interior (Cape Town, 1955).Google Scholar

⁴³ Cope, J., King of the Hottentots (Cape Town, 1969),Google Scholar tells the story of Goree in fascinating detail, but Goree alias Cory comes alive even in the pages of Theal—see Theal, G. M., History and Ethnography of South Africa before 1795, I (London, 1907), 429–30.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ V. C. 58 (verbatim copies of documents in Europe made by G. M. Theal and in the Cape Archives), Bletterman, E. to Sir, Thomas Smythe, 20. 02 1614. (from India Office, London).Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Oxford History, 130.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ For this layering see the chapters by Martin, Legassick and Marks, S. in Thompson, L. M. (ed.) African Societies in Southern Africa; van Warmelo, N. J. makes the point both in relation to the Sotho (p. 96) and the Nguni (p. 59) very forcibly in his Preliminary Survey of the Bantu Tribes of South Africa, Department of Native Affairs Ethnological Publications, v (Pretoria, 1935).Google Scholar For the lack of clear-cut distinctions between the Sotho and Nguni (or sections of each) in earlier times, a conversation recorded by James, Stuart in 1903 with a Zulu, Munyu ka Timuni; ‘we are abeSutu…. The people were called abeSutu because they lived enhla—north. We left the AbeSutu who are of different kinds and by so living apart from them we have become a different kind of people’ (Stuart Papers, Killie C&bell Library, Durban). In a recent interview Princess Magogo of the Zulu Royal House maintained that she remembered very old people saying in her youth (she must now be about 70) ‘We are Abesotho’ (interview, April 1969).Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Oxford History, 110–11.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Ibid. 97.

⁴⁹ Theal, G. M., Records of South East Africa, viii (London, 1899), 312.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ See chapters by Legassick and Marks already cited.

⁵¹ See for ex&le, Marais, J. S., Maynier and the First Boer Republic (Cape Town, 1944), which deals with the first three frontier wars. It was only with the appearance of the British troops in 1811 that the westermost Xhosa were driven from the Zuurveld.Google Scholar

⁵² Laslett, P., The World We Have Lost (London, 1965), 231–2.Google Scholar