Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-7cvxr Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-23T06:20:23.741Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Recasting ‘Nuclear-Free Korean Peninsula’ as a Sino-American Language for Co-ordination

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 January 2012

TAKU TAMAKI*
Affiliation:
Department of Politics, History, and International Relations, Loughborough University, Leicestershire LE11 [email protected]

Abstract

A series of Six-Party Talks involving the United States, China, Japan, South and North Korea, and Russia resulted in the emergence of a narrative of a ‘nuclear-free Korean Peninsula’. Given the prevalence of nuclear weapons amidst Sino-American rivalry, the area is hardly ‘nuclear-free’. Instead, the phrase has evolved into a common signifier for the US and China, suggesting that, despite their rivalries, the North Korean nuclear issue can be detrimental for both – a rare convergence of interests in an often sensitive bilateral relationship. This article provides a Constructivist perspective to this particular aspect of Sino-American balance of power by taking the language of ‘nuclear-free’ seriously, recasting the phrase as borne of both mutual scepticism, as well as convergent interests, over the Korean Peninsula.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2012

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Shunji, Hiraiwa, ‘Kita-Chosen kaku-mondai to 6-sha kyogi’, Ajia kenkyu, 53 (3) (2007): 40Google Scholar.

2 Hu Jintao quoted in Nihon keizai shimbun, 12 May 2004, p. 3.

3 Jurists debate whether North Korea has satisfied the legal procedures for withdrawal from the NPT following its denunciation in 1993, in effect putting into question whether Pyongyang is still bound by the treaty or not. See Samore, Gary, ‘Korean Nuclear Crisis’, Survival, 45 (1) (2003): 16CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4 See Wendt, Alexander, ‘Anarchy is What States Make of It: The Social Construction of Power Politics’, International Organization, 46 (2) (1992): 391425CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

5 See, for example, Cha, Victor D., ‘Abandonment, Entrapment, and Neoclassical Realism in Asia: The United States, Japan, and Korea’, International Studies Quarterly, 44 (2) (2000): 261–91CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Kang, David C., ‘International Relations Theory and the Second Korean War’, International Studies Quarterly, 47 (3) (2003): 301–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6 Hughes, Christopher W., ‘The North Korean Nuclear Crisis and Japanese Security’, Survival, 38 (2) (1996): 7980CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7 Akihiko, Tanaka, Anzen hosho: sengo 50-nen no mosaku (Tokyo: Yomiuri shimbunhsa, 1997), p. 332Google Scholar.

8 Samore, Gary, ‘The Korean Nuclear Crisis’, Survival, 45 (1) (2003): 9CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

9 Liu, Ming, ‘China and the North Korean Crisis: facing test and Transition’, Pacific Affairs, 76 (3) (2003): 357Google Scholar.

10 ‘A Survey of the Koreas’, The Economist, 10 July 1999, p. 15.

11 ‘A Survey of the Koreas’, The Economist, 10 July 1999, p. 16.

12 Hughes, ‘The North Korean Crisis’, p. 86.

13 The Economist, 15 April 2000, pp. 22–4.

14 Kurata Hideya, ‘Chosen hanto heiwa-taisei juritsu-mondai no kihanteki kozo: aihansuru “heiwa-hosho” gainen no kosaku’, Kokusai mondai (474) (September 1994): 24–5.

15 Samore, Gary, ‘The Korean Nuclear Crisis’, Survival, 45 (1) (2003): 12CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

16 Ibid: 13–16.

17 The Economist, 24 September 2005, pp. 29–30.

18 Hiraiwa, ‘Kita-Chosen’, p. 34.

19 Quoted in Moore, Gregory J., ‘How North Korea Threatens China's Interests: Understanding Chinese “Duplicity” on the North Korean Nuclear Issue’, International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, 8 (1) (2008): 11Google Scholar.

20 The Economist, 11 April 2009, p. 25.

21 See Financial Times, 13 July 2009, p. 7.

22 See Wendt, ‘Anarchy is What States Make of It’.

23 Morgenthau, Hans J., Politics among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace (6th edn, revised by Kenneth W. Thompson) (New York: Alfred A Knopf, 1985), p. 32Google Scholar.

24 Bull, Hedley, Anarchical Society: A Study of Order in World Politics (2nd edn) (London: MacMillan, 1995), p. 102Google Scholar.

25 Kornberg, Judith F. and Faust, John R., China in World Politics: Policies, Processes, Prospects (2nd edn) (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2005), pp. 165–67Google Scholar.

26 Gilson, Julie, ‘Strategic Regionalism in East Asia’, Review of International Studies, 33 (1) (2007): 155CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

27 Ibid.: 159.

28 BBC News Online, 4 March 2010, news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/asia-pacific/8546805.stm (accessed 4 March 2010).

29 Hu Jin-tao quoted in The Economist, 11 April 2009, pp. 25–6.

30 Zongze, Ruan, ‘China–EU–US Relations: Shaping a Constructive Future’, in Shambaugh, David et al. (eds.), China–Europe Relations: Perceptions, Policies and Prospects (London: Routledge, 2008), p. 292Google Scholar.

31 I thank the anonymous reviewer for pointing this out.

32 Cho, Young Chul, ‘Collective Identity Formation on the Korean Peninsula: United States/ Different North Korea Policies, Kim Dae-Jung's Sunshine Policy, and United States–South Korea–North Korea Relations’, International Relations of the Asia Pacific, 10 (1) (2010): 96CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

33 McDougal, Derek, Asia Pacific in World Politics (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2007), pp. 108–9Google Scholar.

34 Financial Times, 11 November 2010, p. 13.

35 Minxin Pei, ‘Why the West Should not Demonise China’, Financial Times, 26 November 2010, p. 13.

36 Quoted in Financial Times, 13 July 2009, p. 7.

37 Mullen quoted in Gideon Ramcharan, ‘China Makes Gains in Its Bid to be The Next Top Dog’, Financial Times, 15 September 2009, p. 13.

38 Quoted in Financial Times, 28 July 2009, p. 5.

39 Michael Yahuda, The International Politics of the Asia-Pacific (3rd and Rev. edn) (London: Routledge, 2011), p. 230.

40 Ibid.: 231.

41 Ibid.: 234.

42 Ibid.: 250.

43 Ibid.: 258.

44 Wendt, Alexander, Social Theory of International Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), p. 255CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

45 See Jervis, Robert, Perception and Misperception in International Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1976)Google Scholar.

46 See Collins, Alan, ‘Forming a Security Community: Lessons from ASEAN’, International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, 7 (2) (2007): 204–5Google Scholar.

47 Asahi shimbun (web edition), 15 October 2006, www.asahi.com/special/nuclear/TKY200610150124.html (accessed 17 October 2006).

48 Ibid.: 16 October 2006, www.asahi.com/special/nuclear/TKY200610160359.html (accessed 17 October 2006).

49 Satoshi, Morimoto (ed.) (2007), Nippon no anzen hosho mondai (Tokyo: Kairyusha, 2007), pp. 296–7Google Scholar.

50 Cho, ‘Collective Identity Formation’, p. 95.

51 Ibid.: 122.

52 Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade (MOFAT), www.mofat.go.kr/english/press/speech/minister/index5.jsp?TabMenu=TabMenu2 (accessed 6 May 2011).

54 See Archer, Margaret S., Culture and Agency: The Place of Culture in Social Theory (rev. edn) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Giddens, Anthony, The Constitution of Society (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1984)Google Scholar.

55 Campbell, David, Writing Security: United States Foreign Policy and the Politics of Identity (rev. edn) (Manchester: University of Manchester Press, 1998), p. 1Google Scholar.

56 Ibid.: 2.

57 See, for example, the goal of ‘peace and security on a nuclear-free Korean peninsula’ in the Agreed Framework.

58 I thank the anonymous reviewer for pointing this out.

59 Obama quoted in Financial Times, 28 July 2009, p. 5.

61 Jones, David Martin and Smith, Michael L. R., ‘Constructing Communities: The Curious Case of East Asian Regionalism’, Review of International Studies, 33 (1) (2007): 167CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

62 Weldes, Jutta, Laffey, Mark, Gusterson, Hugh, and Duvall, Raymond, ‘Introduction’, in Weldes, Jutta, Laffey, Mark, Gusterson, Hugh, and Duvall, Raymond (eds.), Cultures of Insecurity: States, Communities, and the Production of Danger (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999), p. 17Google Scholar.

63 Lee, C. M., ‘Rethinking Future Paths on the Korean Peninsula’, The Pacific Review, 17 (2) (2004): 255CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

64 The Economist, 30 July 2005, p. 30.

65 The Economist, 15 April 2000, p. 24.

66 The Economist, 28 February 2004, p. 32.

67 Roy, Denny, ‘China's Reaction to American Predominance’, Survival, 45 (3) (2003), p. 63Google Scholar.

68 Levin, Norman D., ‘What If North Korea Survives?’, Survival, 39 (4) (1997–98): 171CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

69 See for example, Roy, Denny, ‘North Korea as an Alienated State’, Survival, 38 (4) (1996–97), pp. 2236CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Cha, Victor D., ‘Engaging North Korea Credibly’, Survival 42 (2) (2000), pp. 136–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

70 Chinese Foreign Ministry, ‘China's Non-Proliferation Policy and Measures’, 28 February 2009, www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/wjb/zzjg/kjlc/fkswt/t410729.htm (accessed 13 May 2008).

71 Chinese Foreign Ministry, ‘Spokesperson on the Withdrawal of the DPRK from the NPT’, 13 January 2003, www.fmprc.gov.cn/wjb/zzjg/yzs/gjlb/2701/2704/t15906.htm (accessed 13 May 2008).

72 Deng, Yong, China's Struggle for Status: The Realignment of International Relations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), p. 208CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

73 The Joint Statement, www.state.gov/p/eap/regional/c15455.htm (accessed 23 May 2009).

74 Chinese Foreign Ministry, www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/wjdt/zyjh/t25070 (accessed 20 February 2009).

75 Chinese Foreign Ministry, www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/wjb/zzjg/yzs/gjlb/2701/2703/t298177.htm (accessed 13 May 2008).

76 Chinese Foreign Ministry, www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/wjdt/zyjh/t25070 (accessed 20 February 2009).

77 Cha, Victor D., ‘Engaging China: Seoul–Beijing Détente and Korean Security’, Survival, 41 (1) (1999): 91CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

78 Zbigniew Brzezinski, ‘America and China's First Big Test’, Financial Times, 24 November 2010, p. 13.

80 Deng, China's Struggle, p. 213.

81 Yahuda, The International Politics, p. 298.

82 Shambaugh, David, ‘Sino-American Strategic Relations: From Partners to Competitors’, Survival, 42 (1) (2002): 101Google Scholar.

83 Ruan Zongze, ‘China–EU–US Relations: Shaping a Constructive Future’, in Shambaugh et al. (eds.), China–Europe Relations, p. 292.

84 Yahuda, The International Politics, p. 262.

85 US State Department, www.State.gov/r/pa/prs/dpb/2010/05/142093.htm#NORTHKOREA (accessed 6 May 2011).

86 Chinese Foreign Ministry, www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/zxxx/t706377.htm (accessed 6 May 2011).

87 Chinese Foreign Ministry, www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/xwfw/s2510/t711047.htm (accessed 6 May 2011).

88 See The Economist, 21 February 2004, p. 32; and The Economist, 28 February 2004, p. 32.

89 Johnston, Alastair Iain, ‘Is China a Status Quo Power?’, International Security, 27 (4) (2003), p. 40CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

90 Johnston, ‘Is China a Status Quo Power?’, p. 41.

91 Ward, Adam, ‘China and America: Trouble Ahead?’, Survival, 45:3 (2003), p. 48CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

92 Moore, Gregory J., ‘How North Korea Threatens China's Interests: Understanding Chinese “Duplicity” on the North Korean Nuclear Issue’, International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, 8 (1) (2008): 23Google Scholar.

93 Moore, ‘How North Korea’, p. 16.

94 Kornberg and Faust, China in World Politics, p. 167.

95 Deng, China's Struggle, p. 212.

96 Hidekazu, Sakai, ‘Kita-Chosen seisaku ni okeru keizoku-sei to hi-keizoku-sei’, in Yoichi, Sato and Akitoshi, Miyashita (eds.), Gendai Nippon no Ajia gaiko (Kyoto: Minerva shobo, 2004), p. 109Google Scholar.

97 Han, Sung-Joo, ‘The Korea's New Century’, Survival, 42 (3) (2000–1): 93CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

98 Ward, Adam, ‘China and America: Trouble Ahead?’, Survival, 45 (3) (2003): 49CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

99 Chinese Foreign Ministry, www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/wjb/zzjg/yzs/gjlb/2701/2704/t15898.htm (accessed 13 May 2008).

101 Chinese Foreign Ministry, www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/wjdt/zyjh/t536420.htm (accessed 20 February 2009).

102 Hillary Clinton quoted in www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2009a/02/117626.htm (accessed 23 February 2009).

103 Hillary Clinton quoted in www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2009a/02/119427.htm (accessed 23 February 2009).

104 Hillary Clinton quoted in The New York Times (web edition), 21 February 2009, www.nytimes.com/2009/02/21/word/asia/21diplo.html?ref=world&pagewanted=print (accessed 20 February 2009).

105 See Cha, Victor D., ‘Engaging North Korea Credibly’, Survival, 42 (2) (2000): 146CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

106 See The Economist, 11 February 2006, pp. 61–2.

107 NIDS, Higashi-Ajia senryaku gaikan 2009 (Tokyo: NIDS, 2009), pp. 216–17.

108 NIDS, Senryaku gaikan, p. 113.

109 Ibid.: 114.

110 The Economist, 25 April 2009, p. 63.

111 Yahuda, The International Politics, p. 262.

112 Chinese Foreign Ministry, www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/wjdt/wshd/t705477.hmt (accessed 6 May 2011).

113 Ibid.

114 Ibid.

115 Zongze, Ruan, ‘China–EU–US Relations: Shaping a Constructive Future’, in Shambaugh, David et al. (eds), China–Europe Relations: Perceptions, Policies and Prospects (London: Routledge, 2008), p. 293Google Scholar.

116 Obama quoted in Financial Times, 12 November 2009, p. 6.

117 Quoted in Financial Times, 25/26 July 2009, p. 7.

118 Chinese Foreign Ministry, www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/xwfw/s2510/t567565.htm, 13 June 2009 (accessed 18 June 2009.

119 Quoted in Financial Times, 18 November 2009, p. 5.

120 The Economist, 11 February 2006, p. 61.

121 See Nihon keizai shimbun, 5 May 2004, p. 2.

122 See for example Ross, Robert S., ‘The Geography of Peace: East Asia in the Twenty-First Century’, International Security, 23 (4) (1999), pp. 81118CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

123 Financial Times, 13 July 2009, p. 7.

124 Nihon keizai shimbun, 10 October 2006 (Evening edition), p. 2.

125 The Economist, 14 October 2006, p. 25.

126 See Nihon keizai shimbun, 6 July 2006, p. 1.

127 Financial Times, 30 October 2009, p. 12.