Acknowledgements: For help in reformulating the problems this paper attempts to address, I am grateful to C.A. Bayly, Andre Wink, and especially to Pierre-Yves Manguin.

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28 Subrahmanyam, Trade and the Regional Economy, 144–145, 543–545, passim. On the 16th century, also see Magalhâes Godinho, Vitorino, Os Descobrimentos e a Economia Mundial (4 vols.; Lisbon 1981–1984).Google Scholar

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30 For an elaboration of this point in the context of the rice trade, see Subrahmanyam, Sanjay, ‘The Portuguese, the Port of Basrur, and the Rice Trade, 1600–1650’, The Indian Economic and Social History Review 21 (1984) 433–462.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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35 Muzishima, Nattar, chapters 2 and 3; also see the discussion in Perlin, ‘Of White Whale’, and more recently (in the context of northern India) Alam, Crisis of Empire.

36 Subrahmanyam, ‘Aspects of State Formation’, 371–372; Wink, Land and Sovereignty, 339–375,

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42 Algemeen Rijksarchief, The Hague, VOC 2548, f. 304, cited in Nagtegaal, ‘Dutch East India Company and the Relations’, 51.

43 See for example Wink, ‘“Al-Hind” ’.

44 Cf. Wisseman, Jan, ‘Markets and Trade in Pre-Majapahit Java’ in: Hutterer, K.L. ed., Economic Exchange and Social Interaction in Southeast Asia: Perspectives from Prehistory, History and Ethnography (Ann Arbor 1977) 197–212Google Scholar; Boomgaard, ‘Buitenzorg in 1805’; Carey, ‘Waiting for the “Just King” ‘.

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47 However, the traditional stigma attached to being a revenue-farmer still persists in the Javanese historiography; thus, sec Ricklefs, ‘Some Statistical Evidence’, 31–32.

48 See Atwell, ‘Some Observations’, 237.