2 Allami, Abu'l Fazl, The A'in-i Akbarilll, trans. Blochmann, H. & Jarret, H. S. (Calcutta 1927-1949) 1Google Scholar.

3 The Anden Regime in India and Indonesia. Special Issue Itinerario 12/1 (1988)Google Scholar with contributions by P.J. Marshall, R. van Niel, Andre Wink, Om Prakash, Sanjay Subrahmanyam, W. Remmelink, KA. Steenbrink, Susan Bayly, Vincent Houben, Dirk Kolff and Leonard Blussé.

4 See e.g. the contributions by André Wink, ‘Al-Hind, India and Indonesia in the Islamic World-Economy, c. 700–1800 A.D.’, Sanjay Subrahmanyam, ‘State Formation and Trans-formation in Early Modern India and Southeast Asia’ and Suzan Bayly, ‘Islam and State Power in Pre-Colonial South India’.

5 The two best accounts on the process of Indianisation are Coedès, G., Les élats hindouisis d'Indochine et d'Indonésie (Paris 1964)Google Scholar and Wink, A., Al-Hind: The Making of the Indo-Islamic World. I: Early Medieval India and the Expansion of Islam, 7lh-llth Centuries (Leiden 1990).Google Scholar For Java, see Lombard, D., Le carrefour javanais: Essai d'histoire globale. III: L'héritage des royaumes concentriques (Paris 1990)Google Scholar.

6 Reid, A., Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce 1450–1680 (2 vols; New Haven & London 1988-1993).Google Scholar For a summary see Reid, A., ‘An “Age of Commerce” in Southeast Asian History’, Modern Asian Studies 24/1 (1990) 1–30.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For a discussion on Reid's periodization, see Reid, A. ed.. Southeast Asia in the Early Modem Era: Trade, Power, and Belief (Ithaca & London 1993)Google Scholar, in particular the contributions from Pierre-Yves Manguin, Victor Lieberman and Dhiravat na Pombejra. For understanding the rapid expansion of Chinese shipping after about 1680, Leonard Blussé's unpublished paper ‘Expansion or Diaspora? The Chinese Maritime Trade Network and its Impact on Southeast Asian State Formation, 1600–1800’ was very helpful.

7 Unfortunately, apart from Java (see Lombard, D., Le carrefour javanais. II: Les reseaux asiaiiques (Paris 1990)Google Scholar), only very few studies have gone into the Islamicization process of most of the Southeast-Asian interior during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Some interesting starting points are offered by Dobbin, C., Islamic Revivalism in a Changing Peasant Economy. Central Sumatra, 1784–1847 (London & Malmo 1983)Google Scholar; Bruinessen, M. van, ‘The Origins and Development of the Naqshbandi Order in Indonesia’, Der Islam 67 (1990) 150–179Google Scholar; and Perret, D., ‘Sumatra nord-est dans l'espace acihais jusqu'a la fin de la guerre d'Aceh’, Archipe 48 (1994) 63–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

8 For a discussion on this topic, see Ludden, D., ‘History outside Civilization and the Mobility of South Asia’, South Asia 17/1 (1994) 1–23CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

9 The best account of this Indian mediterranee is provided by Chaudhuri, K.N., qTrade and Civilization in the Indian Ocean: An Economic History from the Rise of Islam to 1750 (Cambridge 1985) andCrossRefGoogle ScholarAsia before Europe: Economy and Civilisation of the Indian Ocean from the Rise of Islam to 1750 (Cambridge 1990)Google Scholar.

10 For Burma, see e.g. Khan, Muhammad Siddiq, ‘Muslim Intercourse with Burma’, Islamic Culture 10/3 (1936) 409–427Google Scholar; 11/2 (1937) 248–266; Shin, U Ba, ‘Coming of Islam to Burma, Down to A.D. 1700’ in Studies in Asian History. Proceedings of the Asian History Congress 1961 (London 1961) 98–110Google Scholar; Yegar, M., The Muslims of Burma: A Study of a Minority Croup (Wiesbaden 1972)Google Scholar.

11 For Bengal, see Eaton, R.M., The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier, 1204–1760 (Berkeley & Los Angeles & London 1993).Google Scholar For Sumatra, see Dobbin, Islamic Revivalism. Following Lombard, eastern Java seems to be an interesting exception since the Islamic schools or pesantren spread most rapidly in the areas where Indojavanese culture had already left its mark (Lombard, Carrefour II, 119).

12 For a detailed description of the Indian infra-structure of routes, see Deloche, J., La circulation en Inde avant la revolution des transport (2 vols; Paris 1980)Google Scholar.

13 For a more detailed account of the commercial relationship between the Malay coasts and the interior, see Hall, K.R., Maritime Trade and Slate Development in Early Southeast Asia (Honolulu 1985)Google Scholar.

14 See e.g.Milner, A.C., Kerajaan: Malay Political Culture on the Eve of Colonial Rule (Tucson 1982) 1–13Google Scholar.

15 The most interesting examples of the varying cultural dichotomy between the upstream interior (ulu) and downstream coast (ilir) at Sumatra are provided by Drakard, J., A Malay Frontier. Unity and Duality in a Sumalran Kingdom (New York 1990)Google Scholar and Andaya, B. Watson, To Live as Brothers: Southeast Sumatra in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Honolulu 1993)Google Scholar.

16 For agrarian economy of Burma, see: Lieberman, V., Burmese Administrative Cycles. Anarchy and Conquest c. 1580–1760 (Princeton 1984)Google Scholar and Koenig, W.J., The Burmese Polity, 1752–1819: Politics, Administration and Social Organization in the Early Kon-baung Period (Michigan 1990).Google Scholar For inland Java (Mataram), see among others: Schrieke, B., Indonesian Sociological Studies (2 vols; The Hague & Bandung 1955-1957)Google Scholar and Ricklefs, M.C., A History of Modern Indonesia since c. 1300 (London 1981)Google Scholar.

17 The degree of central control under the Mughals is of course under debate. For the latest positions, see Richards, J.F., The Mughal Empire (Cambridge 1993)CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Alam, M. & Subrahmanyam, S., ‘L'etat moghol et sa fiscalite, XVIe-XVIIIe siecles’, Annales 1 (1994) 189–217.CrossRefGoogle Scholar The on-going importance of the inner frontier for the Indian political realm has once and again been stressed by Heesterman, J.C.. See e.g. his The Inner Conflict of Tradition. Essays in Indian Ritual, Kingship, and Society (Chicago & London 1985) 170–175Google Scholar, and more recendy his ‘Warrior, Peasant and Brahmin’, Modern Asian Studies 29/3 (1995) 637–654.CrossRefGoogle Scholar More generally, see Wink, A., Land and Sovereignty in India. Agrarian Society and politics under the Eighteenth-Century Maratha Svarajya (Cambridge 1986) 9–157Google Scholar.

18 For the conditions of horse-breeding in India, see my The Rise of the Indo-Afghan Empire, c. 1710–1780 (Leiden 1995) 68–79.Google Scholar For a good summary of the horse-warrior revolution in the Middle East, see Chamberlain, M., Knowledge and Social Practice in Medieval Damascus, 1190–1350 (Cambridge 1994) 29–36Google Scholar.

19 See e.g.Lombard, Denys, Le sultanat d'Atjeh au temps d'Iskandar Muda, 1607–1636 (Paris 1967) 89Google Scholar; Lombard, , Carrefour II, 99Google Scholar, andPombejra, Dhiravat na, ‘Ayutthaya at the End of the Seventeenth Century: Was there a Shift to Isolation’ in: Reid, A. ed., Southeast Asia, 259Google Scholar.

20 A good survey of the early history of the orang laut has still to be written. Useful is Sopher, D.E., The Sea Nomads. A Study based on the Literature of the Maritime Boat People of Southeast Asia (Singapore 1965)Google Scholar.

21 See my Indo-Afghan Empire, 13–26; 135–144.

22 According to Lombard even large parts of the Javanese pasisir remained open to this Bay-of-Bengal traffic (Lombard, Carrefour II, 59).

23 For some general trends in the late-seventeenth and eighteenthcentury Indian Ocean trade, see the contributions of Arasaratnam, S. and Gupta, Ashin Das in Gupta, Ashin Das & Pearson, M.N. eds, India and the Indian Ocean 1500–1800 (Calcutta 1987)Google Scholar.

24 Arasaratnam, S., Merchants, Companies and Commerce on the Coromandel Coast, 1650–1740 (Delhi 1986)Google Scholar on the Coromandel coast and Prakash, Om, The Dutch East India Company and the Economy of Bengal, 1620–1720 (Princeton 1985)Google Scholar on Bengal stand out as the major studies in the field of maritime commerce. Unfortunately, the best integrative study stops at about 1650: Subrahmanyam, S., The Political Economy of Commerce: Southern India 1500–1650 (Cambridge 1990)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

25 On Bengal, see Eaton, , Rise of Islam;Google Scholar for Awadh, see Alam, M., The Crisis of Empire in Mughid North India. Awadh and the Punjab, 1707–48 (Delhi 1986)Google Scholar; for Hyderabad, see Richards, J.F., Mughal Administration in Golconda (Oxford 1975)Google Scholar and Chander, Sunil, ‘From a Pre-Colonial Order to a Princely State: Hyderabad in Transition, c. 1748–1865’ (unpublished PhD thesis; Cambridge 1987)Google Scholar; for Maharashtra, see Wink, A., Land and Sovereignty.Google Scholar Southern India is still much in need of a study on the development of commercial routes after about 1650.

26 For this Mughal withdrawal, seePrakash, Om, Dutch East India Company, 229–230Google Scholar.

27 See Gupta, Ashin Das, ‘India and the Indian Ocean in the Eighteenth Century’ in: Gupta, Ashin Das, India and the Indian Ocean, 136–146Google Scholar.

28 For the South-Indian Muslim trading networks, see Arasaratnam, , Merchants, 174–176Google Scholar; Bayly, S., Saints, Goddesses and Kings. Muslims and Christians in South Indian Society 1700–1900 (Cambridge 1989) 79–86Google Scholar; Rao, V.N. & Shulman, D. & Subrahmanyam, S., Symbols of Substance. Court and State in Nayaka Period Tamilnadu (Delhi 1992) 264–304Google Scholar; Bhattacharya, B., ‘Marakkayar Merchants of Coromandel in the Eighteenth Century: A Case for Continuity’, paper presented to the international seminar on The Bay of Bengal in the Asian Maritime Trade and Cultural Network, 1500–1800, New Delhi, 16–20 DecemberGoogle Scholar.

29 Pombejra, , ‘Ayutthaya’, 259Google Scholar; Arasaratnam, , Merchants, 169–171Google Scholar; Gommans, , Indo-Afghan Empire, 80–84Google Scholar.

30 For the various overland connections, see e.g. Deyell, John, ‘The China Connection: Problems of Silver Supply in Medieval Bengal’ in: Richards, J.F. ed., Precious Metals in the Later Medieval and Early Modem Worlds (Durham 1983) 207–224Google Scholar and Stargardt, J., ‘Burma's Economic and Diplomatic Relations with India and China from Early Medieval Sources’, Journal of the Social and Economic History Review 14 (1971) 38–62Google Scholar.

31 Gait, E., A History of Assam (Calcutta & Simla 1926) 160–194.Google Scholar A great deal of information on medieval Assam is provided by an extensive amount of local Ahom chronicles or Burnnjis. A useful seventeenth-century Mughal account of Assam is provided by Fathiya Ibriyah by Shihab al-Din Talish. For a translation, see Sarkar, J., ‘Assam and the Ahoms in 1660 A.D.’, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 1 (1915) 179–195.Google Scholar The first more extensive British reports on Assam trade are from Thomas Welsh and Francis Hamilton. For these, see MacKenzie, A., History of the Relations of the Government with the Hill Tribes of the North-East Frontier of Bengal (Calcutta 1884) 377–394Google Scholar and Hamilton, F., An Account of the Burman Empire and the Kingdom of Assam (Calcutta 1839) 101–103.Google Scholar See also MacCosh, John, Topography of Assam (Calcutta 1837)Google Scholar; Pemberton, R.B., Report on the Eastern Frontier of British India (Calcutta 1835)Google Scholar; Martin, M., The History, Antiquities, Topography and Statistics of Eastern India III (London 1838)Google Scholar.

32 Arakan stands much in need of further study. For a survey of its commercial position, see Collis, M. & Bu, San Shwe, ‘Arakan's Place in the Civilization of the Bay: A Study of coinage and foreign Relations’, Journal of the Burma Research Society 15/1 (1925) 34–52.Google Scholar For the developments in northern Arakan (Chittagong), see Eaton, , Rise of Islam, 234–267.Google Scholar For the coastal trade with Pegu, see Francklin, W., Tracts, Political, Geographical and Commercial on the Dominions of Ava (London 1811) 94–99, 131–132.Google Scholar For the spread of Bengali culture, see Harrison, J.B., ‘Arakan’, Encyclopaedia of Islam I (2nd ed.; Leiden 1986)Google Scholar and Khan, M. Siddiq, ‘Badr Maqams or the Shrines of Badr al-Din-Auliya’, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Pakistan 8/1 (1962) 17–46Google Scholar.

33 For the commercial relations of Pegu, see the articles of Lieberman, V., ‘Europeans, Trade, and the Unification of Burma, c. 1540–1620’, Oriens Extremus 27/2 (1980) 203–227Google Scholar; ‘Secular Trends in Burmese Economic History, c. 1350–1830, and their Implications for State Formation’, Modern Asian Studies 25/1 (1991) 1–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar; ‘Was the Seventeenth Century a Watershed in Burmese History?’ in: Reid, ed., Southeast Asia, 214–250Google Scholar.

34 See e.g. Lieberman, , ‘Secular Trends’, 14Google Scholar, and Colless, B.C., ‘The Traders of the Pearl. The Mercantile and Missionary Activities of Persian and Armenian Christians in South East Asia’, Abr-Nahrain 14 (1973-1974) 7–11Google Scholar.

35 Sonnerat, , A Voyage to the East Indies and China III (Calcutta 1789) 1–28.Google Scholar See also Dampier, W., Voyages and Discoveries (London 1931) 105Google Scholar.

36 Lieberman, , ‘Secular Trends’, 28–31Google Scholar.

37 Strong indications for the increasing importance of Burmese trade with Yunnan are provided by Lieberman, himself, ‘Seventeenth Century’, 232–233Google Scholar and Leach, E.R., Political Systems of Highland Burma. A Study of Kachin Social Structure (London 1964) 34–35.Google Scholar See also the tatter's ‘The Frontiers of “Burma”’, Comparative Studies in Society and History 3/1 (1960) 160–161.Google Scholar Published Dutch reports date from the late seventeenth century ( Dam, Pieter vanBeschryvinge van de Oostindische Compagnie II/2 (The Hague 1932) 81–96.Google Scholar The first extensive English reports relate to the embassy of Michael Symes in 1795 (see Symes, M., An Account of an Embassy to the Kingdom ofAva sent by the Governor-General of India in the Year 1795 (London 1800) 325–328Google Scholar and Hamilton, , Account, 9–13Google Scholar) and Hyram Cox in 1796–1798 (see Francklin, W., Tracts, 26–123Google Scholar). See also Sangermano, V., A Description of the Burmese Empire, trans. Tandy, W. (New York 1969) 172–177Google Scholar.

38 For the Panthays, see Hanna, A.C., ‘The Panthays of Yunnan’, The Moslem World 21 (1931)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Yegar, M., ‘The Panthay (Chinese Muslims) of Burma and Yunnan’, Journal of Southeast Asian History 7/1 (1966) 73–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Forbes, A.D.W., ‘The “Cin-Ho” (Yunnanese Chinese) Caravan Trade with North Thailand during the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries’, Journal of Asian History 21/1 (1987) 1–47Google Scholar.

39 Naquin, S. & Rawski, E., Chinese Society in the Eighteenth Century (New Haven & London 1987) 199–205Google Scholar; Lee, James, ‘Food Supply and Population Growth in Southwest China, 1250–1850’ Journal of Asian Studies 41/4 (1982), 711–746CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Vogel, H.U., ‘Cowry Trade and its Role in the economy of Yunnan, the Ninth to the Middle of the Seventeenth Century’ in: Ptak, R. & Rothermund, D. eds, Emporia, Entrepreneurs and Commodities in Asian Trade c. 1400–1700 (Stuttgart 1991)Google Scholar.

40 For Siamese trade, see Viraphol, Sarasin, Tribute and Profit: Sino-Sitimese Trade, 1652–1853 (Cambridge Mass. 1977)CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Cushman, J.W., Fields from the Sea (New York 1994)Google Scholar.

41 For Siamese connection with India via Mergui-Tenasserim, see e.g.: Furnivall, J.S., ‘From China to Pegu: A Study in Burmese History’, Journal of the Burma Research Society 6 (1916) 27–35Google Scholar; Pombejra, Dhiravat na, ‘Seventeenth Century’, 263–264Google Scholar; Wyatt, D.K., Thailand: A Short History (New Haven & London 1984) 112Google Scholar; Subrahmanyam, S., ‘Iranians Abroad: Intra-Asian Elite Migration and Early Modern State Formation’, The Journal of Asian Studies 51/2 (1992) 348–349CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

42 For Dutch involvement in Sumatran gold mining, see Rueb, P., ‘Une mine d'or a Sumatra. Technologie saxonne et methodes indigenes au XVIIe siede’, Archipel 41 (1991) 13–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

43 Probably, there was a growing demand for ‘covering’ textiles following the ongoing Islamicization process in the area.

44 There are several monographs on regional Malay states which bear this out: Bonney, R., Kedah 1771–1821: The Search for Security and Independence (Kuala Lumpur & Singapore 1971)Google Scholar; Andaya, L.Y., The Kingdom ofjohor 1641–1728 (Kuala Lumpur 1975)Google Scholar; Kathirithamby-Wells, J., The British West Sumatran Presidency (1760–85): Problems of Early Colonial Enterprise (Kuala Lumpur 1977)Google Scholar; Andaya, B. Watson, Perak, The Abode of Grace: A Study of an Eighteenth Century Malay State (Kuala Lumpur 1979)Google Scholar; Andaya, B. Watson, To Live as Brothers: Southeast Sumatra in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Honolulu 1993)Google Scholar.

45 Dobbin, , Islamic Revivalism, 60–95Google Scholar; Kathirithamby-Wells, J.Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 18/1 (1987) 40–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Watson-Andaya, B., ‘The Cloth Trade in Jambi and Palambang Society during the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries’, Indonesia 48 (1989) 27–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

46 Lombard, , Carrefour, II 94–96Google Scholar.

47 The best survey of the VOC policies in the Straits is Vos, Reinout, Gentlefanus, Merchant Prince: The VOC and the Tightrope of Diplomacy in the Malay World, 1740–1800 (Leiden 1993).Google Scholar See also Lewis, D., ‘The Dutch East India Company and the Straits of Malacca 1700–1784: Trade and Politics in the Eighteenth Century’ (unpublished PhD thesis; Australian National University 1970)Google Scholar.

48 For the Bugi network, see Curtin, P.D., Cross-CuLural Trade in World History (Cambridge 1984) 158–167CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hamonic, G., ‘Les reseaux marchands bugis-makassar: Grandeur et decadence du principe de la liberte des mers’ in: Lombard, D. & Aubin, J. eds, Marchands et hommes d'affaires asialiques (Paris 1987) 253–265Google Scholar and Andaya, L.Y., Kingdom of johorGoogle Scholar.

49 Forrest, Thomas, A Voyage from Calcutta to the Mergui Archipelago (London 1792) 59.Google Scholar See also Forrest, 37–61 (on Aceh) and 24–28 (on Kedah); Marsden, William, The History of Sumatra (London 1783) 314Google Scholar(on Aceh); Dalrymple, , Oriental Repertory I (London 1791) 399–103 (on Kedah)Google Scholar.

50 Andaya, B. Watson, ‘The Indian Saudagar Raja (The King's Merchant) in Traditional Malay Courts’, Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 51/1 (1978) 13–35Google Scholar; Andaya, B. Watson, Perak, 22, 67–69, 76, 84–85, 106–109, 126–127, 134, 188–190, 356, 402Google Scholar; Hing, Lee Kam, ‘Foreigners in the Achehnese Court, 1760–1819’, Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 43/1 (1970) 64–87Google Scholar.

51 Berg, L.W.C. van den, Le Hadhramaut el Us colonies arabes dans I'Archipel Indien (Batavia 1886)Google Scholar; Morley, J A.E., ‘The Arabs and the Eastern Trade’, Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 22 (1949) 143–176Google Scholar.

52 For the rise of the English country-trader, see: Bassett, D.K., ‘Anglo-Malay Relations, 1786–1795’, Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 38/2 (1965)Google Scholar; Lewis, D., ‘The Growth of the Country Trade to the Straits of Malacca, 1760–1777’, Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 43/2 (1970) 114–29Google Scholar; Bassett, D.K, ‘British “Country” Trade and Local Trade Networks in the Thai and Malay States, c. 1680–1770’, Modem Asian Studies 23/4 (1989) 625–643.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For the nineteenth-century developments, see Ray, Rajat Kanta, ‘Asian Capital in the Age of European Domination: The Rise of the Bazaar, 1800–1914’, Modem Asian Studies 29/3 (1995) 449–554CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

53 A major exception is, of course, the breathtaking enterprise of Denys Lombard in his Le carrefourjavanais. However, the cultural developments he describes for our period are mainly based on his knowledge of classical Malay literature. It remains to be seen to what extent Java and the western Malay world underwent common processes of change. It is my tentavive point of view that, from about 1660, they followed divergent courses.

54 Godakumbura, C.E., ‘Relations between Burma and Ceylon’, Journal of the Burma Research Society 44/2 (1966), 145–162Google Scholar; Goonewardena, K.W., ‘Ayutthia in the Twilight Years and its Triangular Relations with the VOC and Sri Lanka’, Sri Lanka Journal of the Humanities 6/1–2 (1980) 1–47Google Scholar.

55 Canfield, R.L. ed., Turkc-Persia in Historical Perspective (Cambridge 1991)Google Scholar; Cf.Wink, , Al Hindi, 17–24Google Scholar.

56 SeeBayly, , Saints, 79–86Google Scholar and Dale, S.F., Islamic Society on the South Asian Frontier The Mappilas of Malabar 1498–1922 (Oxford 1980)Google Scholar.

57 For the political impact of Sufism, see e.g. the studies of Simon Digby: ‘The Sufi Shaikh as a Source of Authority in Medieval India’ in: Gaboricau, M. ed., Islam en Asie du Sud (Paris 1986) 57–77Google Scholar; ‘The Sufi Shaykh and the Sultan: A Conflict of Claims to Authority in Medieval India’, Iran 28 (1990) 71–83.CrossRefGoogle Scholar See also Richards, J.F., ‘Norms of Comportment among Imperial Mughal Officers’ in: Metcalf, B.D. ed., Moral Conduct of ‘Adah’ in South Asian Islam (Berkeley 1984) 255–290Google Scholar, and his ‘The Formulation of Imperial Authority under Akbar and Jahangir’ in: Richards, J.F. ed.. Kingship and Authority in South Asia (Madison 1978) 252–282Google Scholar.

58 For a general survey of this trend, see Robinson, F., Atlas of the Islamic World since 1500 (Oxford 1982) 110–130Google Scholar.

59 Keddie, N.R., ‘The Revolt of Islam, 1700 to 1993: Comparative Considerations and Relations to Imperialism’, Comparative Studies in Society and History 36 (1994) 469CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

60 See e.g.Eaton, , Rise of Islam, 268–305Google Scholar on Bengal; Bayly, , Saints, 115–150Google Scholar on south India; Lombard, , Camfour II, 110–120 on JavaGoogle Scholar.

61 For example, in the interior ofjava there was no clear-cut distinction between the pesantrinwhich both referred to a kind of law-school (madrasah) as to a Sufi hospice (khnnaqnh)along the fringe of the settled world ( Lombard, , Carrefour, II 114)Google Scholar.

62 On the Persian tendencies in early Malay literature, see Hooykaas, C., Over Maleische Literaluur (Leiden 1937) 141–170Google Scholar, and Winstedt, R., A History of Classical Malay Literature (Kuala Lumpur & Singapore 1969) 84–134Google Scholar.

63 For a full description of Acehnese court literature, see Lombard, , sultanat d'Atjeh, 151–159.Google Scholar Cf. Tauer, F., ‘History and Biography’ in: Rypka, J. ed., History of Persian Literature (Dordrecht 1968) 438–459Google Scholar.

64 Schrieke, B., Indonesian Sociological Studies II (The Hague & Bandung 1957) II, 249–253.Google Scholar Cf. Marrison, G.E., ‘Persian Influences in Malay Life (1280–1650)1’, Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 28/1 (1955) 52–69Google Scholar.

65 See e.g. Winstedt, R.O., ‘Kingship and Enthronement in Malaya’, Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 20 (1947), 129–39.Google Scholar Cf.Lombard, , Camfour II, 292Google Scholar.

66 Compare this with the syncretic mood of Sultan Agung (1613–1645) of Mataram, a contemporay of Akbar and Iskandar Muda (Lombard, Camfour II, 292).

67 Subrahmanyam, , ‘Iranians Abroad’, 349.Google Scholar See also Aubin, J., ‘Les Persans au Siam sous le Regne de Narai (1656–1688)’, Mare Luso-Indicum 4 (1980) 95–126Google Scholar.

68 For a summary, see Streusand, D.E., The Formation of the Mughal Empire (Delhi 1989) 123–154Google Scholar.

69 Lombard, , sultanat d'Atjeh, 134–135Google Scholar; Andaya, Watson, ‘Cloth Trade’, 31Google Scholar; Milner, A.C., ‘Islam and the Muslim State’ in: Hooker, M.B. ed., Islam in Southeast Asia (Leiden 1983) 23–49Google Scholar.

70 E.g. in connection with the introduction of a new calendar, Akbar ordered the composition of a new world history, the Tarikh-i Alfi or ‘The History of the Millenium’.

71 Lombard, , sultanat d'Atjéh, 146–147Google Scholar.

72 Lombard, , sultanat d'Atjéh, 159–165Google Scholar; Nieuwenhuijze, C.A.O. van, Samsu'l-din van Pasai. Bijdrage tot de kennis derSumatraanse mystiek (Leiden 1945)Google Scholar; Johns, A.H., ‘Islam in Southeast Asia: Problems of Perspective’, Indonesia 19 (1975) 314–320Google Scholar; Azra, Azyumardi, ‘The Transmission of Islamic Reformism to Indonesia: Networks of Middle Eastern and Malay-Indonesian. ‘Ulama’ in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries’ (unpublished PhD thesis; Columbia University 1992) 346–350Google Scholar.

73 For Raniri and the Aydarusiyya, see Azra, , ‘Transmission’, 355, 368.Google Scholar Cf. Lofgren, O., ‘Aydarus’, The Encyclopaedia of Islam 1 (2nd ed.; Leiden 1986)Google Scholar.

74 Bruinessen, , ‘Origins’, 150–161Google Scholar.

75 Andaya, L.Y., ‘Malay Peninsula, 3: The coming of Islam to the Malay lands’, Encyclopaedia of Islam VI (2nd ed.; Leiden 1991) 235Google Scholar.

76 At Java, militant Muslim revolt was also directed against the syncretic court of the interior (Lombard, Camfour II, 293).

77 Bruinessen, , ‘Origins’, 157–158Google Scholar.

78 Kumar, A., Surapati: Man and Legend. A Study of Three Babad Traditions (Leiden 1976)Google Scholar; Kathirithambi-Wells, J., ‘Ahmad Shah Ibn Iskandar and the Late 17th Century “Holy War” in Indonesia’, Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 43/1 (1970) 48–63.Google Scholar Cf. Lombard, , Carrefaur, II 118, 292–293.Google Scholar Obviously, they were not so much anti-Dutch as anti the established order.

79 A good survey is still Berg, Van den, Le Hadhramaut, 104–231Google Scholar.

80 A great deal has been written about the Ottoman proclivities of the Acehnese sultans but the relations with the Indian court proved of much greater significance, both in terms of practical assistance as ideological inspiration.