1 See for instance a Royal Decree of King Juan II, August 29, 1420, in which the Spanishnobleman Alfonso de Las Casas gets licence to explore and exploit the isles of Gran Canaria, Tenerife, and Las Palmas, Alfonso García-Gallos, Estudios de la hisloria del indiano (Madrid 1972) 571 n. 25Google Scholar.

2 From 1495 onward, there are recurring disagreements about the contents and meaning of those first three documents. It even is disputed if there actually is a contract and not just a Royal Privilege (an exceptional or extraordinary right given by a monarch to an individual or to a specific group of people), García-Gallo, Alfonso, ‘Las Bulas de Alejandro VI y el ordenamiento jurídico de la expansión Portugesa y Castellana en Africa e Indias’, Anunrio de Hisloria del Derecho Espanol (1958) 566–633Google Scholar.

3 ‘como sennores que son de las dichas mares-Oceanas […]’, see the Capitulación (contract) of April 17 at Santa Fe and the Royal Privileges of April 30 at Granada. Padron, Francisco Morales, Teoría y leyes de la conquista (Madrid 1979) 54 andGoogle ScholarGarcía-Gallo, A., Estudios 634–637Google Scholar.

4 ‘todas aquellas islas y tierras firmes que por su mano se descubrirán o ganarán’.

5 ‘que seades nuestro Almirante de las dichas islas e tierra firme que ansí descobriéredes é ganáredes, e seádes nuestro Almirante e Visorrey e Gobernador en ellas […]’.

6 ‘Que las islas del mar no ocupadás, pasan al ocupante […] puesto que las islas Canarias de las que se trata no están ocupadás por algún príncipe católico o por algunos católicos [ …] y porque este materia es amplia […] basta decir que esto que he dicho se mantiene por los doctores, principalmente cuando la posesion de las otras partes está vacante y no ocupada por otro, como se desprende de lo que nota Bartólo y por los canonistas sobre todo los modernos y en otros varios lugares de ambos derechos […] y entiendo u s vacancia no con relacion con sus habitantes, sino con relacion a tin príncipe catolico, pues no habia ningun príncipe católico que en ellas cuasi poseyese el supremo dominio […], Cartagena, Alonso de, Alegaciones formuladas por encargo dejuan II para defender ante el Papa en Basilea, el derecho de los Reyes de Castillo sobre las Canarias, en contra de las de los Portugueses (año 1435) part. 2.a & 13.Google ScholarGarcía-Gallo, Alfonso, Las bulas, 292–305Google Scholar.

7 Hispaniola or Espanola now is made up of Haiti and the Dominican Republic.

8 Columbus was to find a new trade route to India but, because of the treaties with Portugal (Capitulacion de las Alcácovas May 27 1479 and the Papal Bull ‘Aeterna Regis’ ofjune 22 1481) in which the Spanish Crown recognized the Portugese monopoly on the trade route from the Canarian islands to Guinea (Africa), the Spaniards were forbidden to sail along the African coast to India. But interpreting the Treaty to the letter, the Spanish monarchs were permitted to try another route. Till the end of his life Columbus was convinced that he had found a new route to India. However voluntary or involuntary, on his return voyage Columbus first arrived at Lisbon and told King Juan II of Portugal on march 1493 of the recent discoveries, emphasizing that he had not passed Guinea or Mina and thus had not trespassed on the Portuguese traderoutes. This was important because if the new isles had been found on the Portuguese traderoute, according to the Treaty of Alcacovas, the new islands would belong to the Portuguese monarch.

9 This practice of first taking possesion of new discovered territories and later asking the Pope to sanctionize it was quite common. Zavala, Silvio A., Las instituciones juridicas en conquista de America (2nd ed.; Madrid 1971) gives an extensive enumeration of similar Papal BullsGoogle Scholar.

10 ‘Correspondiendo al Papado la funcion de registrar los derechos de los reyes’, Zavala, , Las instituciones, 34Google Scholar.

11 ‘Motu Proprio’ in this context does not mean that the Bulls were made on initiative of the Pope (as so often is thought), but that the donation of the discovered lands succeeded by the Pope in his capacity as ‘Vicar of Christ’.

12 ‘Por propria decisión […] y con la plenitud de la potestad apostólico […] las islas y tierras firmes descubiertas y por descubrir, halladas y por hallar hacia el occidente y mediodia haciendo y constituyendo para esto una linea del polo artico al polo antártico, o sea el mediodia, que esten tanto en tierra firme como en islas descubiertas y por descubrir hacia la India o hacia otra cualquier pane, la linea diste de cualquiera de las islas que se llaman vulgarmente de los Azores y Cabo Verde cien leguas hacia occidente y el mediodia […] a vos y vuestros herederos los reyes de Castilla y Leon […] donamos, concedemos y asignamos”. The famous Papal Bulls ‘Inter caetera’ consists of the ‘Breve’ and the ‘Bula menor’ and the ‘Bula devotionis’, all of May 3, 1493.

13 In the Treaty of Tordesillas, concluded June 7, 1494 between Spain and Portugal, the boundary is relocated in western direction with the consequence that Brazil was to be dominated by the Portuguese.

14 ‘quisiera ver en el testamento de Adan donde aparece esta donacion’. Wenceslao, Vega B., Historia del derecho colonial dominkano (Santo Domingo 1979) 35Google Scholar.

15 The most prominent members of the Junta were the Dominican priest Matías de Paz and the jurist Juan López de Palacios Rubios.

16 Medieval legal students all over Europe started to analyze legal problems systematically and scientifically. Doing this they did not base their studies on local custom but rather on rational interpretations of the recently rediscovered CorpusJuris Civilis of the Roman emperor Justinianus. Instead of ignoring canon law and statutory law, they sought to syntesize and assimilate these sources with the Corpus Juris. The result was that the lawyers all over Europe gradually developed general law principles in which custom was abandoned in favour of the written law (ratio scripta). Levaggi, Abelardo, Manual de historia del derecho Argenlino (2 vols.; Buenos Aires 1986) 71Google Scholar.

17 The Requerimiento was not envisaged as a document that gave the Spaniards a new title to the recently discovered territories but as a mode to put the Spanish title into effect.

18 ‘todos los reyes y seiiores naturales, cuidades, comunidades y pueblos de aquellas Indias son obligados a reconocer a los Reyes de Castilla por universales y soberanos seiiores y emperadores, de la manera dicha, despues de aver recibido de su propria y libre voluntad nuestro sancta Fee y el sacro baptismo. Ysi antes que lo reciban no lo hazen ni quieren hazer, no pueden ser por algiin juez o justicia punidos’. Casas, Fray Bartolomé de Las, Aqui se contienen Ireinta proposiciones muy juridicas, en las quales sumaria y succintamenle locan muchas cosas pertenecientes al derecho que la Iglesia y los príncipes Christianas lener sobre los injieles de qualquier especie que scan […] (Sevilla 1552) propos. 19Google Scholar.

19 Casas, Bartolomé de Las, Controversia, 217–218. During his life Las Casas would always recognize the papal donation and consequently the Spanish title on the colonies (otherwise he would be in danger of committing heresy) however it was the actual execution of the Spanish title on the colonies which he denied. An interesting article about the evolution in Las Casas theories is written byGoogle ScholarCastello, Vidal Abril, ‘Las Casas contra Vitoria 1550–1552: La revolución de la duodecima replica, causas y consequencias’, Revista de Indias 47 (1987) 83–101Google Scholar.

20 A special Junta of 15 members was founded to resolve the controversy between Sepúlveda and Las Casas. The Junta did not come to a uniform conclusion, as each member voiced his separate conclusion to the King (Charles V), but it would not be until two decades later that his son Philip II would reach a final conclusion in his Royal Provision of July 1573.

21 ‘Contra los que menosprecian y contradicen la Bula y el Decreto del papa Alejandro VI, en que da facultad a los Reyes Catolicos y sus sucesores y exhorta que hagan la conquista de las Indias sujetando aquellos bárbaros y tras esto reduciéndolos a la religión Christiana’, y los sumete a su imperio y jurisdiccion, written in 1542 and his ‘Demócrates segundo o de las justas causas de la guerra contra los indios’. (The colonists were quite grateful to Sepúlveda for his support and rewarded him ample).

22 ‘Por muchas cuasas, estan obligados estos barbaros a recibir el imperio de los espaiioles conforme a la ley de naturaleza, y a ellos ha de series todavi'a mas provechoso que a los espaiioles, porque la virtud, la humanidad y la verdadera religion son mas preciossa que el oro y que la plata. Y si rehusan nuestro imperio podrán ser compelidos por las armas a aceptarle’.

23 The ius gentium or naturale was in no way a new concept, allready theologes like Thomas of Aquino had pondered on this doctrine, it is however Vitoria who severes the ties between the ius gentium and canon law, and starts its development as an autonomous juridical science.

24 ‘primeramente, el comercio no conviene que cese […] en segundo lugar, podría imponerse tin tributo sobre el oro y plata que se importe de los barbaros […] en tercer lugar, es claro que después que se han convertido alii muchos bárvaros, ni seria conveniente ni licito a príncipe abandonar por completo la administracion de aquellas provincias’. Viloria, Francisco de, Relecciones teológicas, por P.L.G. Alonso Getino (Madrid 1943) 407Google Scholar.

25 The theories of Vitoria and other Spanish moral theologes would leave their mark on the European juridical doctrines. Ironically, it was the Dutch humanist Grotius, defending the rights on free seas and free trade against the Spanish monopoly, who continued in Vitorias footsteps with his famous works Mare Liberum (1609) and Dejure belli acpacis (1625)

26 The ‘Ordenanzas de descubrimiento, nueva poblacion y pacificacion de las Indias’, by Philip II on July 13, 1573, in Francisco Morales Padron, Teoria y leyes.

27 It should be noted that the first references to the law in the colonies are made in the Capitulacion of Santa Fe of April 17, 1492, and concern the structure of the future administration of the colonies. So, the first regulations that are specially created for the colonies and thus the first ‘derecho indiano’ (Indian Law) consist of public law. It is typical of the colonial legislation that the first administrative structure was not determined by the monarchs but by Columbus. It was only on his repeated and explicit wish that the Catholic Kings granted him near absolute legislative, jurisdictional and executive power in the colonies. This was the first but certainly not the last time that the Spanish Crown had to adapt her policy to the wishes and demands of individuals in order to get their support.

28 ‘e oir e librar todos los pleitos e causas ceviles e creminales tocantes al dicho oficio de almirantadgo e visorrey e gobernador, segund parescéredes por derecho e según lo acostumbran usar e exercer los Almirantes de nuestros reinos’.

29 The Crown, meaning the King in his capacity as a public body. Th e Crown is the highest branch of the legislature, the head of the executive power and the source ofjustice and honour. Each Kingdom had its own Crown. It was not until the reign of Charles V that the notion of one single Spanish Crown arose.

30 See the Privilege of April 30, 1492.

31 Padron, Francisco Morales, Teoria y leyes, 51, andGoogle ScholarGarcía-Gallo, Alfonso, Las bulas’, 475. in which they mention the active participation of Fernando at the genesis of the discoveries and the trust Columbus had in the monarchGoogle Scholar.

32 ‘La meytad que respective-junto con su hija Juana - les pertenesce de las yslas, Indias e tierra firme del mar Oceano por vigor de las bullas apostolicas’. García-Gallo, Alfonso, ‘Las bulas’, 475Google Scholar.

33 García-Gallo, Alfonso, ‘Las bulas’, 483Google Scholar.

34 Following this theory I disagree with most of the current literature on this subject, but follow Manzano, A., La incorporación de las Indias a la Corona de Caslilla (Madrid 1948) 309–354Google Scholar.

35 ‘por cuanto, segun lo que por nos estajurado e prometido a los nuestros reinos e senorfos de Castilla e León, al tiempo que fuimos recibidos e jurados reyes e señores dellos, e de las Indias, islas e tierra firme del mar Oceano, que son o fueren de la Corona de Castilla, ninguna cuidad, ni provincia, ni isla, ni otra tierra annexa a la dicha nuestra Corona real de Castilla, puede ser enagada ni apatada della […] sino que estaran y las tenemeos como a cosa incorporada en ella, y si necesario es, de nuevo los incorporamos y metemos [ …]’. García-Gallo, Alfonso, ‘Las bulas’, 486Google Scholar.

36 The law systems of the other kingdoms do not enter this discussion, as in that period Aragon and Castilia were the leading Kingdoms.

37 Another clue is the well known aversion of Queen Isabel to the Aragonese liberties, in 1512–13. Guicciardini, remarked that, ‘tired of so many privileges and liberties she [Isabel] was accustomed to say “Aragon is not ours; we shall have to conquer it over again”’. Guicciardini, , Diario del Viaggio in Spagnn (Florence 1932) 56Google Scholar.

38 Inconsistent with this is the fact that Columbus also got the title of Viceroy and Governor. In the Privilege of May 28, 1493 they state that Columbus, ‘podades tener e tengades los dichos oficios de almirante e visorey e gobernador […], con todas aquellas facultades e prehemencias e prerogativas de que han gozado e gozan los nuestros almirantes e visoreyes e gobernadores que han sido e son de los dichos nuestros reynos de Castilla e de Leon’, and in the instructions the monarchs give a day later, they repeat that Columbus can designate judges who will administer justice, ‘segun lo acostumbran facer los otros visoreyes e gobernadores de sus altezas’. It is a fact that the functions of Viceroy and Governor did not exist in Castile or Leon but were known in Aragon. Another point that at least indicates the possibility of influence of Aragonese law on Spanish American law and institutions is the active participation of King Fernando of Aragon in the conquest.

39 ‘Christoval Colon su almirante […] con todas aquellas preheminencias e prerogativas pertencientes a tal oficio, e segund que don Alfonso Enriques, quondam almirante mayor de Castilla’.

40 The ‘Instrucciones’ to Columbus on his second, third and fourth voyage (1493/1502) and to his son Diego (1502), Padron, Francisco Morales, Teoriay Leyes, 60. In the Instruction of May 29, 1493 they say: ‘Que cualquier justicia que se hobiere de facer diga el pregon: Esta es la justicia que mandan facer el rey e la Reyna nuestros señores’Google Scholar.

41 This intention to model colonial law after Castilian law, was still clearly stated in the ‘Ordenanzas del Consejo de Indias’ in 1571. ‘Porque siendo de una Corona los Reynos de Castilla y de las Indias, las leyes y orden de govierno de unos y de los otros debe ser el mas semejante y conforme que ser pueda, los del nuestro Consejo en las leyes y establecimientos que para aquellos estados ordenaren, procuren de reducir la forma y manera del govierno de ellos al estilo y orden con que son regidos y governados los reinos de Castilla y de León, en quanto huviere lugar y sufriere por la diversidad de las tierras y naciones’. García-Gallo, Alfonso, Estudios, 173 n. 7Google Scholar.

42 The term ‘fuero’ has several meanings; it can mean for a ‘court of justice’ but also ‘privilege’. See Levaggi, , Manual I, 53–84Google Scholar.

43 A compilation of canon decrees was made by the Spaniard San Raimundo de Penafort and promulgared by the Pope Gregorius IX in 1234. Later the ‘Liber sextus’ of Bonifatius (1298) and the collection ‘Clementina’ by Clement V (1317) were added. The concilium of Bazel of 1441 declared that these four works, together with the Decretum of Gratianus, formed the Corpus Iurus Canonici. As regards Roman law, by the time of th e 1 lth century there was a revival of Roman law scholarship. Thus, large parts of the Siete Partidas were translated nearly verbatim from the Corpus Juris Civilis of Iustinianus.

44 Translation from Karst, and Rosenn, , Law and development in Latin America (London 1975) 27Google Scholar.

45 García-Gallo, , ‘Las bulas’, 174: ‘en estas nuestras Ordenancas no van declarados ni pro-veidos todos los casos convenientes y nescecarios para la buena y breve administration de justicia e horden de la dicha nuestra Audiencia, ordenamos e mandamos que cada y cuando acaesciere alguna cosa que no este proveida y declarada en nuestras Ordenancas y en las Leyes de Madrid fechas el ano quinientos e dos, se guarden las Leyes y Prematicas de nuestros reinos conforme a la Ley de Toro, ora sea de horden o forma o de sustancia que toque a la ordenacion o decisión de los negocios y pleitos de la dicha Audiencia y fuera della’Google Scholar.

46 ‘no cumplan las cédillas, provisiones y otros cualesquier despachos dados por nuestros reales consejos, si no fueren pasados por él de las Indias, y despachada por el nuestra real cedula de cumplimiento’ Levaggi, , Manual I, 143Google Scholar.