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Missionaries and the Intellectual History of Africa: A Historical Survey
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 June 2011
Extract
Historical studies of Christian missionaries in Africa have not prospered in recent years. The Journal of African History, which printed six articles on missionaries during the first ten years of its existence, has only printed two articles on the subject in the course of the last ten years. Only one book on missionaries has been published by a major university press in Britain or America since 1972. Very occasionally articles about missionaries appear in the International Journal of African Historical Studies and African Affairs but never in the Canadian Journal of African Studies or the Journal of Modern African Studies.
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- Trends in Historiography
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- Copyright © Research Institute for History, Leiden University 1983
References
Notes
1. More than a dozen such articles on missions from various countries and denominations have appeared in History in Africa since 1977. Henige has also contributed similar articles to other journals.
2. Ekechi, F.K., Missionary Enterprise and Rivalry in Igboland 1857–1914 (London, 1972)Google Scholar; Temu, Arnold, British Protestant Missions in Kenya 1873–1929 (London, 1972)Google Scholar; Crummey, D.E., Priests and Politicians; Protestants and Catholic Missions in Orthodox Ethiopia 1830–1868 (Oxford, 1972)Google Scholar; Afigbo, A.E., ‘The Calabar Mission and the Aro Expedition of 1901–1902’, Journal of Religion in Africa 5 (1973); 94–106CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Zvobgo, C.J.M., ‘The Influence of the Wesleyan Missions in Southern Rhodesia, 1891–1923’, in Dachs, J.A., ed., Christianity South of the Zambezi vol. 1 (Gwelo, 1973)Google Scholar, Mashingaidze, E.K., ‘Government Mission Cooperation in African Education in Southern Rhodesia up to the late 1920's”, Kenya Historical Review 4 (1976): 265–81Google Scholar; Zvobgo, C.J., ‘Christian Missions and the Establishment of Colonial Rule in Zimbabwe, 1888–1898’, Journal of Southern African Affairs 2 (1977): 217–34.Google Scholar
3. Chirenje, J.M., ‘Church, State and Education in Bechua-naland in the Nineteenth Century’, International Journal of African Historical Studies 9 (1976): 401–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Nair, K.K., ‘King and Missionary in Erik Politics, 1846–1858’, Journal of African Studies 4 (1977): 243–80Google Scholar; Watson, R. L., ‘Missionary Influence at Thana Nchu, 1833–1854: A Reassessment’, International Journal of African Historical Studies 10 (1977): 394–407CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Mutunhu, T., ‘Lobengula and the Matabele Nation. His Monarchiai Rise and Relations with Missionaries, Boers and the British’, Journal of Southern African Affairs 5 (1980): 5–24.Google Scholar A contrary example is given by Garvey, B., ‘Bemba Chiefs and Catholic Missions’, Journal of African History 18 (1977): 411–26.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
4. The most determined exponent of this view has been Georges Balandier. New work on independent churches is treated below.
5. London, 1966.
6. International Review of Mission 62 (1973): 433.
7. Kane, J.H., ‘God and Caesar in Christian Missions’, Missiology 5 (1977): 411–26Google Scholar; Kontro, Ari, ‘The Finnish Mission Society's “Political Image” of Africa’, Scandinavian Journal of History 4 (1979): 34–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Shapiro, J., ‘Ideologies of Catholic Missionary Practice in a Post-colonial Era’, Comparative Studies in Society and History 23 (1981): 130–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kendall, E., The End of an Era: Africa and the Missionary (London, 1978).Google Scholar
8. These changes are described at length in Hastings', Adrian invaluable History of African Christianity 1950–1975 (Cambridge, 1979).CrossRefGoogle Scholar Milestones in theory and practice are summarized by Roy, A.T., ‘Overseas Mission Policies - An Historical Overview’, Journal of Presbyterian History 57 (1979): 186–228Google Scholar, and Adams, D.J., ‘The Biblical Basis for Mission 1930–1980’, Journal of Presbyterian History 59 (1981): 161–80.Google ScholarBassham, R.C. has argued, not entirely convincingly, in ‘Mission Theology 1948–1975’, Occasional Bulletin of Missionary Research 4 (1980): 52–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar, that there has been a noticeable convergence of three formerly hostile missionary traditions: the Ecumenical, the Evangelical and the Roman Catholic.
9. Nearly thirty such books turned up in my list of 250. Far too numerous to mention, they can generally be spotted by their titles: Sinclair, E., The Wee Man With the Big Heart (Kilstyth, 1973)Google Scholar; Schaeffer, Sue, Africa is Waiting (Grand Rapids, 1970)Google Scholar; Mackindoe, B., Going for Gody the Study of Bessie Brierly (London, 1972).Google Scholar
10. Shenk, W.R., ‘Henry Venn's Instructions to Missionaries’, Missiology 5 (1977): 467–83Google Scholar, and ‘Rufus Anderson and Henry Venn: a Special Relationship?’, International Bulletin of Missionary Research 5 (1981): 168–72; Warren, Max, ed., To Apply the Gospel; Selections from the Writings of Henry Venn (Grand Rapids, 1971)Google Scholar; Etherington, N., ‘An American Errand into the South African Wilderness’, Church History 39 (1970): 62–71.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
11. O.G. Mycklebust, H.P.S. Schreuder, Kirke og Misjon, Steele, M., God's Irregular: Arthur Shearly Cripps (London, 1973).Google Scholar
12. Blauert, Heinz, ‘Negative Moratorium: Opportunities in a Time of Change, The Berlin Mission Since World War II’, International Review of Mission 62 (1973): 437CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Pirouet, M.L., ‘East African Christians and World War I’, Journal of African History 19 (1978): 117.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
13. ‘Towards Understanding Africa's Place in Christian History’, in Pobee, J.S., ed., Religion in a Pluralistic Society (Leyden, 1976).Google Scholar
14. Sanneh, Lamin, ‘The Domestication of Islam and Christianity in African Societies; A Methodological Explanation’, Journal of Religion in Africa 11 (1980): 1–12.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
15. Colenso, J.W., Ten Weeks in Natal (Cambridge, 1855), pp. 56–57.Google Scholar
16. J.S. Mbiti has been especially prominent in this movement beginning with his 1963 Cambridge doctoral thesis, published later as New Testament Eschatology in an African Background (Oxford, 1971). Other works by include, Mbiti: ‘The Growing Respectability of African Traditional Religion’, Lutheran World (Geneva) 19 (1972): 54–58Google Scholar; Introduction to African Religion (London, 1975); ‘Christianity and Traditional Religions in Africa’, International Review of Mission 59 (1970): 430–40; The Prayers of African Religion (London, 1975); and ed., African and Asian Contributions to Contemporary Theology (Celigny, World Council of Churches Ecumenical Institute, 1977).
17. Droogers, Andre, ‘The Africanization of Christianity; An Anthropologists View’, Missiology 5 (1977): 447.Google Scholar
18. Old comrades could fall out over the issue as happened when John Mbiti reviewed Shorter's, AylwardAfrican Christian Theology - Adaption or Incarnation (Maryknoll, N.Y., 1977)Google Scholar for the International Review of Mission 67 (1978): 223–24; Mbiti professed to be shocked at Shorter's broad acceptance of traditional religion as Christian. Shorter replied with equal astonishment in the next number of the same journal, pp. 382–83.
19. Burden, J.J., ‘Magic and Divination in the Old Testament and their Relevance for the Church in Africa’, Missionalia 1 (1973): 103–112Google Scholar; Boluadfe, E., “The Place of Traditional African Religions among the World's Prophetic Religions’, Africana Marburgensia 10 (1977): 37–48.Google Scholar
20. Isichei, E., ‘The Quest for Social Reform in the Context of Traditional Religion: a Neglected Theme of West African History’, African Affairs 77 (1978): 463–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Booth, N.S. Jr, ‘Tradition and Community in African Religion’, Journal of Religion in Africa 9 (1978): 81–94.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
21. Gray, Richard supplies a useful corrective to this view in ‘Christianity and Religious Change in Africa’, African Affairs 77 (1978): 96–99.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
22. International Review of Mission 59 (1970): 39–54. Other important works of calculation and comparison by Barrett, include Schism and Renewal in Africa; an Analysis of six Thousand Contemporary Religious Movements (Nairobi and London, 1968)Google Scholar and ed., African Initiatives in Religion, 21 Studies from East and Central Africa (Nairobi, 1971).
23. Some of these bibliographies have already been separately published as Bibliography of New Religious Movements in Primal Societies, I Black Africa (Boston, 1977). Turner's reputation was well established by the end of the nineteen sixties. Among his more important recent papers are ‘A Further Dimension for Missions, New Religious Movements in Primal Societies’, International Review of Mission, 62 (1973): 321–37, and ‘A Typology for African Religious Movements’, Journal of Religion in Africa II (980): 137–50.
24. See, for example, the cases cited by Fernandez, J.W. in ‘Africanization, Europeanization, Christianization’, History of Religions 18 (1979): 284–92.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
25. Baëta, C.G., ed., Christianity in Tropical Africa (Oxford, 1968).Google Scholar Baëta himself observed that ‘there is widespread today a readiness to repudiate the missionary past that is not based even on such acquaintance with it as is in fact readily available’ (p. xiii).
26. D.B. Barrett, ed., African Initiatives in Religion, op. cit., J.S. Pobee's collection of eighteen essays presented to G.J. Baëta on his retirement, Religion in a Pluralistic Society includes only two which pay much attention to missionaries; the general emphasis is on the dialectic between Christianity and traditional religion. This is largely true as well of the two volumes of collected essays, Christianity South of the Zambezi, vol. 1 edited by A.J. Dachs (Salisbury, 1973) and vol. II edited by M.F.C. Bourdillonn (Gwelo, 1977). Ranger's, T.O. introduction to part one of Themes in the Christian History of Central Africa, ed., Ranger, T.O. and Weiler, J. (London, 1975)Google Scholar emphasizes that ‘the overall picture which begins to emerge is not one of a dynamic Christianity thrusting aside passive central African religions and effectively bringing to an end the non-Christian history of Central Africa. Nor is it one of manifest Christian success in answering the inward and religious problems of Central African societies so that African religion became merely the refuge of diehard traditionalists. The dialectic between Christianity and African religion is continuous, not merely marking the first period of encounter’ (p. 12). That view is echoed in Religion and Change in African Societies, proceedings of a seminar held in the Centre of African Studies, University of Edinburgh, 27th and 28th April 1979 (Edinburgh, 1979) and in Whisson, M.G. and West, M., Religion and Social Change in Southern Africa (London, 1975).Google ScholarChristianity in Independent Africa, ed., E. Fa-sholé Luke, R. Gray, A. Hastings and G. Tasie (Bloomington, 1978) reflects on the missionary past in only 44 of its more than 6OO pages. Recent exceptions to the general trend are Ayandele, E.A., ed., Nigerian Historical Studies (London, 1979)Google Scholar and Kalu, O.A., ed., The History of Christianity in West Africa (London, 1980)Google Scholar, each of which contains a number of essays on missions and missionaries.
27. Africa 41 (1971): 85–108.
28. Fisher, Humphrey, ‘Conversion Reconsidered: some Historical Aspects of Religious conversion in Black Africa’, Africa 43 (1973): 27–40.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Horton replied to Fisher with a pair of articles of ‘On the Rationality of Conversion’, Africa 45 (1975): 219–35, 373–99. Another critic was Ifeka-Moller, C., ‘“White Power”, Social-Structural Factors in Conversion to Christianity, Eastern Nigeria, 1921–1966’, Canadian Journal of African Studies 8 (1974): 55–72.Google Scholar Horton wrote an intemperate reply to Peel, J.D.Y., ‘Conversion and Confusion: A Rejoinder on Christianity in Eastern Nigeria’, in the same journal 10 (1976): 481–98.Google Scholar
29. Stuart, R., ‘Anglican Missionaries and a Chewa Dini Conversion and Rejection in Central Africa’, Journal of Religion in Africa 10 (1978): 46–69.Google Scholar
30. Piault, Colette, Prophetisme et Therapeutique, Albert Atcho et la Communauté de Bregbo (Paris, 1976).Google Scholar
31. See Gray, , ‘Christianity and Religious Change’, 96–98.Google Scholar
32. Campbell, Penelope, ‘Presbyterian West African Missions: Women as Converts and Agents of Social Change’, Journal of Presbyterian History (1978): 121–32Google Scholar, correlates conversion with sex. Kraft, C.H., ‘Cultural Concomitants of Higi Conversion: Early Period’, Missiology 4 (1976): 431–42Google Scholar correlates it with healing. Ward, Kerin, ‘Evangelism or Education? Mission Priorities and Educational Policy in the African Inland Mission 1900–1950’, Kenya Historical Review 3 (1975): 243–60Google Scholar correlates it with missionary attitudes, as do Beidelman, T., ‘Contradictions between the Sacred and the Secular Life: the Church Missionary Society in Ukaguru, Tanzania, East Africa 1876–1914’, Comparative Studies in Society and History 23 (1981): 73–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Rigby, P., “Pastors and Pastorialists, the Differential Penetration of Christianity Among East African Cattle Herders‘, Comparative Studies in Society and History 23 (1981): 96–129.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Barrett's Schism and Renewal. makes an elaborate statistical correlation between rates of conversion to orthodox and independent churches on the one hand, and length of exposure to missionary preaching and colonial rule on the other. Other studies are: Isichei, E., ‘Seven Varieties of Ambiguity: Some Patterns of Response to Christian Missions’, Journal of Religion in Africa 3 (1970): 209–27Google Scholar; Jarrett-Kerr, M., Patterns of Christian Acceptance, Individual Responses to the Missionary Impact 1550–1950 (London, 1972)Google Scholar; van Butselaar, G.J., ‘“Christian Conversion”. in Rwanda: the Motivations’, International Bulletin of Missionary Research 5 (1981): 111–13.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
33. Examples of the first approach are: Nürnberger, Klaus, ‘The Sotho Notion of the Supreme Being and the Impact of the Christian Proclamation’, Journal of Religion in Africa 8 (1975): 174–200Google Scholar; Daneel, M.L., ‘The Christian Gospel and the Ancestor Cult’, Missionalia (Pretoria) 1 (1973): 46–72.Google Scholar Examples of the second approach are Zvobgo, C.J.M., ‘Shona and Ndebele Responses to Christianity in Southern Rhodesia 1897–1914“, Journal of Religion in Africa 8 (1976): 41–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ashley, M.J., ‘Universes in Collision; Xhosa Missionaries and Education in 19th Century South Africa’, Journal of Theology for Southern Africa (September, 1980): 28–38Google Scholar; Egboh, E.O., ‘Conflicts between Traditional Religion and Christianity in Iboland, South-Eastern Nigeria’, West African Religion 10 (1971): 7–17Google Scholar; Nwabara, S.N., ‘Christian Encounter with Indigenous Religion at Onitsha (1857–1885)’, Cahiers d'études Africaines 11 (1971): 589–601.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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42. ‘Cambridge, Keswick and Late Nineteenth-Century Attitudes', 9.
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53. For example, Hastings, History of African Christianity refers to women making a ‘breakthrough’ in the 1950s. P. Campbell, ‘Presbyterian West African Missions’, op.cit., assumes the opposite - that women were always more numerous than men in the African churches.
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57. A praiseworthy attempt to unravel some of the complexities of this problem is made in S. Cross, ‘Social History and Millennial Movements’, Social Compass, op.cit.
58. Comparative Studies in Society and History 23 (1981): 96–129.
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