1 Watts, David, The West Indies, Patterns of Development, Culture and Environmental Change since 1492 (Cambridge 1987) 73–74, 93, 101, 122 and 126:Google ScholarKnight, Franklin W,The Caribbean; the Genesis of a Fragmented Nationalism (Oxford 1978) 3–22Google Scholar.

2 The figures are derived from: Gemery, Henry A., 'Markets for Migrants: English Indentured Servitude and Emigration in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries' in: Emmer, P.C. ed., Colonialism and Migration; Indentured Labour before and after Slavery (Dor-drecht 1986) 40 (British Caribbean)Google Scholar; Pluchon, P., ‘Le peuplement blanc’ in: Pluchon, P. ed., Histoire des Antilles et de la Guyane (Toulouse 1982) 167, 168 (French Caribbean)Google Scholar; Engerman, Stanley L., ‘Servants to Slaves to Servants; Contract Labour and European Expansion’ in: ed, Emmer., Colonialism and Migration, 271 (Dutch and Danish Carib-bean)Google Scholar. The number of Spanish migrating to the Caribbean has not been calculated at all. B.H. Slicher van Bath, The Absence of White Contract Labour in Spanish America during the Colonial Period', in: Emmer ed., Colonialism and Migration, 25, mentions 200,000 migrants to Spanish America as a whole until 1600. MOrner, Magnus, Adven-turers and Proletarians; The Story of Migrants in Latin America (Pittsburgh 1985)Google Scholar 14 mentions that there is only one – very unlikely – estimate of 52,000 for the eighteenth century. If we assume that another 50,000 Spanish migrated to the New World during the seventeenth century, we arrive at a grand total of 300,000 migrants for the whole of Spanish America between 1500 and 1800. Watts, West Indies, 122, mentions that during the sixteenth century about 10% of the migrants to Spanish America went to the Caribbean. If we assume that this percentage did not change during the subsequent two centuries, we arrive at a total of about 30,000 immigrants coming to the Spanish Caribbean between 1500 and 1800. In private correspondence Magnus MOrner has urged me to increase the number of Spanish immigrants for the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. If we double their numbers (seventeenth century: 100,000; eighteenth century 100,000), the total number of Spanish migrants coming to the Americas would amount to 400,000 and the emigration to Cuba between 1500 and 1800 would then come to 40,000.

3 These figures are taken from Knight, Caribbean, 238–239 (table 4). Added to the number of whites are half the number of mulattoes. In comparing the immigration figures and the population figures of the Europeans and their descendants in the Caribbean it should be noted that there existed a return migration to Europe. Its scale, however, is not known. For this reason a comparison between these figures and similar statistics concerning the African population in the Caribbean is flawed, since Africans hardly left the region.

4 Figures on slave immigration between 1500 and 1870 from Rawley, James A., The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade; A History (New York 1981) 54 and 428. Figures on the black presence in the Caribbean around 1820 in Knight, Caribbean, 238–239) (table 4). Added to the number of blacks are half the number of mulattoesGoogle Scholar.

5 This point is convincingly argued by Seymour Drescher, Econocide; British Slavery in the Era of Abolition (Pittsburgh 1977).

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7 On experiments with European colonisation in Surinam: Emmer, P.C., ‘Veranderingen op de Surinaamse arbeidsmarkt gedurende de negentiende eeuw; Smith en Marx in West Indie’, Economisch- en Sociaal-Historisch Jaarboek 47 (1984) 205–222Google Scholar. On European migration into the nineteenth-century Caribbean: Laurence, K.O., Immigration into the West Indies in the 19th Century (Kingston 1971) 9, 11, 12, 23, 40. For Cuba: Momer, Adventurers and Proletarians, 62 (figure 11)Google Scholar.

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9 On the inter-Caribbean slave-trade: Eltis, D., ‘The Traffic in Slaves between the British West Indian Colonies, 1807–1833’, Economic History Review 25 (1972) 55–64Google Scholar. On the migration within the Caribbean of Barbadians: Laurence, Immigration. 16, 44; of Jamaicans, Watts, West Indies, 482 and Franklin W. Knight, 'Jamaican Migrants and the Cuban Sugar Industry, 1900–1934' in: Manuel Moreno Fraginals, Frank Maya Pons and Stanley Engerman, L. ed., Between Slavery and Free Labour; the Spanish-Speaking Carib- bean in the Nineteenth Century (Baltimore and London 1985) 94–117Google Scholar.

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11 Meagher, Arnold Joseph, ‘The Introduction of Chinese Laborers to Latin America’ (Unpublished Ph.D.-thesis, University of California, Davis 1975) 50–56Google Scholar.

12 Ibidem, 143–145 and Peter Richardson, 'Coolies, Peasants and Proletarians; the Ori- gins of Chinese Indentured Labour in South Africa, 1904–1907' in: Marks, Shula and Richardson, Peter ed., International Labour Migration; Historical Perspectives (London 1984) 167–185Google Scholar.

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14 Ibidem, 37–42.

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20 The drastic increase in labour productivity on West Indian plantations is demonstra-ted by Ward, J.R., British West Indian Slavery, 1750–1834; The Process of Amelioration (Oxford 1988). I am grateful for the advice of David Eltis on this matterGoogle Scholar.

21 , Meagher, ‘Introduction of Chinese Laborers’, 62–68Google Scholar.

22 , Tinker, New System of Slavery, 50, 57Google Scholar.

23 Richardson, ‘Coolies, Peasants and Proletarians’, 175–178 vividly describes the rural poverty in China at the end of the nineteenth century, which concurs with Meagher's remarks about China's poverty fifty years earlier.

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25 Ibidem, 83.

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30 , Meagher, ‘Introduction of Chinese Laborers’, 83–97Google Scholar.

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32 McNeill, James and Lai, Chimman, Report to the Government of India on the Conditions of Indian Immigrants in Four British Colonies and Surinam (London 1915)Google Scholar.

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36 Ibidem, 157–158.

37 Ibidem, 164–166. Helly, Denise, ldeologie et ethnicite; Les Chinois de Macao a Cuba (Montreal 1979) 133 mentions the frequent use of steamers since 1865Google Scholar.

38 , Meagher, Introduction of Chinese Laborers, 182Google Scholar.

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40 , Tinker, New System of Slavery, 145, 147, 148Google Scholar.

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45 The emigration from China to Cuba was halted by the Chinese, British (Hong Kong) and Portuguese (Macao) governments. Laurence, Immigration into the West Indies, 33 indicates that Spanish-Chinese negotiations on further imports of Chinese immi- grants ‘achieved nothing’ obviously because the Chinese demands would raise the price of Chinese immigrant labour. Meagher, ‘Introduction of Chinese Laborers’, 277 also mentions the relative high costs of introducing Chinese immigrant labour in British Guiana in comparison to indentured labour from India. ‘It would seem that the Chinese were a kind of luxury that the colonies indulged in whenever they had some extra capital at hand.’ The end of Indian emigration in Tinker, New System of Slavery, 348.

46 , Meagher, ‘Introduction of Chinese Laborers’, 232.Google Scholar, Helly, Ideologic el ethnicili, 146–178.Google ScholarVriezen, Humphrey E. Lamur and Jean A., ‘Chinese kontraktanten in Suriname’, OSO, tijdschrift voor Surinaamse taalkunde, letterkunde en geschiedenis 4,2 (1985) 169–179Google Scholar.

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48 Scott, Rebecca J., Slave Emancipation in Cuba; The Transition to Free Labor, 1860–1899 (Princeton 1985) 32, 98.Google ScholarAnkum-Houwink, J., ‘Chinese Contract Migrants in Surinam between 1853 and 1870’, Boletin de Estudios Latinoamericanos y del Caribe 17 (1974) 47Google Scholar.

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52 Corbitt, Duvon Clough, A Study of the Chinese in Cuba, 1847–1947 (Wilmore 1971) 92.Google ScholarLowenthal, David, West Indian Societies (Oxford 1972) 203Google Scholar.

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57 On the Chinese: , Meagher, ‘Introduction of Chinese Laborers’, 224.Google Scholar, Corbitt, Study of the Chinese, 88.Google ScholarPercentages of returnees: Surinam: Emmer, ‘Coolie Ships’, 10–11;Google ScholarTrinidad: Ramesar, Marianne D., ‘Indentured Labour in Trinidad 1880–1917’ in: Saunders, Kay ed., Indentured Labour in the British Empire, 1834–1920, (London and Canberra 1984) 62Google Scholar; Guiana: Nath, Dwarka, A History of Indians in Guyana (2nd ed., London 1970) 219, 222Google Scholar; Guadaloupe: , Singaravelou, Les Indiens de la Guadaloupe, 51, 57.Google ScholarSamaroo, Brinsley, ’In Sick Longing for the Further Shore": Return Migration by Caribbean East Indians During the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries’, in:Google ScholarStinner, William F., de Albuquerque, Klaus and Bryce-Laporte, Roy S. ed., Return Migration and Remittances: Develo- ping A Caribbean Perspective (Washington D.C. 1982) 45–73Google Scholar.

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65 A nice summary of the problems on the Caribbean labour market over a long time span: Mandle, Jay. R., Patterns of Caribbean Development; An Interpretive Essay on Economic Change (New York 1982) 37–52Google Scholar.

66 Anthony Lemon, The Indian Communities of East Africa and the Caribbean’ in: Lemon, A. and Pollock, N.C. ed., Studies in Overseas Settlement and Population (London and New York 1980) 225–243Google Scholar.

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68 Curaçao (1969) Jamaica (elections of 1980) and Grenada (1983). See also large-scale violence in Cuba after the Second World War, where Asian immigrants had virtually no lasting impact, as well as in Haïti, which received no Asians at all. All these examples indicate that there exists no simple relationship between the ethnic of diversity immigration into the Caribbean and political violence.