Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-mlc7c Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-04T19:16:09.420Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The Development of Mongol Identity in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  13 December 2019

Abstract

The seventeenth and eighteenth centuries witnessed the development of a Mongol identity. The Mongol conquests in the thirteenth century had laid the foundations but had not truly forged such an identity. These earlier events provided, in modern parlance, the cultural memory that eventually served to unify them. However, the Mongol Empire actually revealed the fractiousness of the Mongols and their inability to promote the unity that might gradually have fostered a Mongol identity. As Joseph Fletcher argued, the creation of a supra-tribal identity for nomadic herders has proven to be extremely difficult. The so-called Mongol Empire attested to this predicament, as within two generations it evolved into four separate Khanates, which occasionally waged war against each other. For example, individual Khanates frequently sided with non-Mongols against fellow Mongols. In addition, the military, the quintessential Mongol institution, was not, as the Empire expanded, composed simply of Mongols. Turks, Persians, and even Chinese served in and sometimes led the Mongol armies, contributing to the blurring of Mongol identity.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Research Institute for History, Leiden University 2000

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Notes

1 Fletcher, Joseph, ‘The Mongols: Ecological and Social Perspectives’, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 46/1 (1986) 1521CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The literature on national and cultural identity is voluminous. A few useful works include Gellner, Ernest, Nations and Nationalism (Cambridge 1983)Google Scholar;Hobshawm, Eric, Nations and Nationalism Since 1780 (Cambridge 1990)Google Scholar; and Anderson, Benedict, Imagined Communities (London 1983)Google Scholar.

2 On Esen, see my brief biography of him in Goodrich, L. C. and Fang, C. Y. eds, Dictionary of Ming Biographyl (New York 1976) 416418Google Scholar and Mote, Frederick W., ‘The T'u-mu Incident of 1449’ in: Kierman, Frank and Fairbank, John eds Chinese Ways in Warfare (Cambridge 1974) 243272Google Scholar. On Dayan Khan, see Miller's, Roy Andrew biography of him in: Dictionary of Ming Biography I, 17-19 and Wada Sei, ‘A Study of Dayan Khan’, Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko 19 (1960) 142Google Scholar.

3 See the studies in Mancall, Mark, Russia and China: Their Diplomatic Relations to 1728 (Cambridge, Mass. 1971)Google Scholar;Baddeley, John, Russia, Mongolia, China I, II (London 1919)Google Scholar; and Chen, Vincent, Sino-Russian Relations in the Seventeenth Century (The Hague 1966)Google Scholar. On the appeal to Mongol heroes of the past, C. R. Bawden states: ‘Mongols andjungars [i.e. Zunghars], and Mongols amongst themselves, would make parade of national sentiments, would appeal to the name of the great ancestor Chingis [i.e. Chinggis] Khan as a symbol of unity, and would talk of expelling the Manchus.’ See Bawden, , “The Mongol Rebellion ot 1756-1757”, Journal of Asian History 2/1 (1968) 18Google Scholar.

4 Good summaries of the origins of such policies are found in Ying-shih, Yu, Trade and Expansion in Han China (Berkeley 1967) 921Google Scholar and Rossabi, Morris, ‘Introduction’ in: Rossabi, ed., China among Equals (Berkeley 1983) 113Google Scholar.

5 On the ineffectiveness of these walls, see Waldron, Arthur, The Great Wall of China: From History to Myth (Cambridge 1990) 164Google Scholar.

6 Two recent works that deal, in part, with Manchu identity are Rawski, Evelyn Sakakida, The Last Emperors: A Social History of Qing Imperial Institutions (Berkeley 1998) andCrossRefGoogle ScholarCrossley, Pamela Kyle, A Translucent Mirror: History and Identity in Qing Imperial Ideology (Berkeley 1999)Google Scholar.

7 Zlatkin, I.Ya., Istoriia dzungarskogo khanstva (1635-1758) (Moscow 1964) 3648Google Scholar. On the new script developed during this time, see Poppe, Nicholas, Introduction to Altaic Linguistics (Wiesbaden 1965) 1012Google Scholar.

8 Bawden, Charles, The Modern History of Mongolia (New York 1968) 5051Google Scholar.

9 Bawden, Charles, The Jebtsundamba Khutuhhtus of Urga (Wiesbaden 1961) 13Google Scholar.

10 On the political and artistic careers of the first Bogdo Gegen, see Bartholomew, Terese and Berger, Patricia eds, Mongolia: The Legacy of Chinggis Khan (San Francisco 1995) andGoogle ScholarTsultem, N., The Eminent Mongolian Sculptor: G. Zanabazar (Ulan-Bator 1982)Google Scholar.

11 Erh-hsun, Chao et al., Ch'ing shih (Taipei 1961) 40Google Scholar. When citing Taipei editions, I use the Wade-Giles system of romanisation, which is preferred in Taiwan.

12 Ch'ing shih, 5637; Hummel, Arthur W. ed., Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period (Washington, D.C. 19431944) 266Google Scholar.

13 Ch'ing shih, 5637.

14 Mancall, 131-134.

15 Yü-shu, Chang, P'ing-ting Shuo-mo fang-lüeh [1708 ed.], 5a7bGoogle Scholar.

16 Bawden, , Modern History, 7476Google Scholar;Martynov, A. S., Status Tibeta v XVII-XVIIl vekach v Iradicionnoj kitajskoj sisteme politiceskich predstavlenij (Moscow 1978) 142144Google Scholar.

17 Mancall, 156-158. See also Sebes, Joseph, The Jesuits and the Sino-Russian Treaty of Nerchinsk (1689): The Diary of Thomas Pereira, S.J. (Rome 1961)Google Scholar and Widmer, Eric, The Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in Peking during the Eighteenth Century (Cambridge, Mass. 1976)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

18 Ch'ing shih, 87.

19 Ch'ing shih, 94. For a survey, based almost exclusively on Russian sources, see Bergholz, Fred, The Partition of the Steppe: The Struggle of the Russians, Manchus, and the Zunghar Mongols for Empire in Central Asia, 1619-1758 (New York 1993) 243294Google Scholar.

20 Zamcarano, C. Z., The Mongol Chronicles of the Seventeenth Century (Wiesbaden 1955) 6Google Scholar. Simultaneously, the Chinese Muslims sought to distinguish themselves from other Chinese and assert their identity. See Ford, Joseph, ‘Some Chinese Muslims in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries’, Asian Affairs 61 (06 1974) 144156CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Lipman, Jonathan, Familiar Strangers: A History of Muslims in Northwest China (Seattle 1997) 58102Google Scholar. For a fine translation of one of the Mongolian historical biography texts produced during this era, as well as a fine analysis of the literature of this era, see Veit, Veronika, Die Vier Qane von Qalqa (Wiesbaden 1990)Google Scholar and the bibliography in that work. In addition, see Weiers, M., ‘Zur Stellung und Bedeutung des Schriftmongolischen in der ersten Halfte des 17. Jahrhunderts’, Zentralasiatischen Studien 19 (1986) 3867Google Scholar.

21 The Secret History has been translated into English by Francis Cleaves, Igor de Rachewiltz, and others.

22 An English translation of the account of the envoy sent to the Torghuud is found in Staunton, George Thomas, Narrative of the Chinese Embassy to the Khan of the Tourgouth Tartars (London 1821)Google Scholar and a japanese translation is in Shunju, Imanishi, Kochu Iikiroku (Tokyo 1964)Google Scholar.

23 Petech, Luciano, China and Tibet in the Early 18th Century (Leiden 1950) 108125Google Scholar;Richardson, Hugh, Tibet and Its History (Boulder 1984) [rev. ed.] 5052Google Scholar;Dabringhaus, Sabine, Das Qing-Imperium als Vision und Wirklichkeit (Stuttgart 1994) 4850Google Scholar.

24 Ming T'ai-tsu Shih-lu (Taipei 19621968) 68: 4b-51Google Scholar, as translated in Jung-pang, Lo, ‘Policy Formulation and Decision-Making on Issues Respecting Peace and War’ in: Hucker, Charles ed., Chinese Government in Ming Times (New York 1969) 52Google Scholar.

25 Hummel, 10.

26 Bawden, , ‘The Mongol Rebellion’, 10Google Scholar.

27 R. Bin Wong, ‘The Social and Political Construction of Identities in the Qing Empire’. Unpublished paper. A version of this paper was delivered at the NIAS/Itinerario Conference o n Shifting Communities and Identity Formation in Early Modern Asia in May, 2000.

28 For a lengthy description of the Qing system in Mongolia, see Ning, Chia, ‘The Li-fan Yuan in the Early Ch'ing Dynasty’ (PhD Diss., Johns Hopkins University 1991)Google Scholar and for a shorter, pseudo-historical account by a Mongol politician, see Baabar, , Zuuni Mongol (Ulaanbaatar 1996) 105116 andGoogle ScholarBaabar, , Twentieth Century Mongolia (Cambridge 1999) [S. Burenbayar et al. trans.; Christopher Kaplonski ed.] 86-103Google Scholar.

29 Sanjdorj, M., Manchu Chinese Colonial Rule in Northern Mongolia (New York 1980) 42Google Scholar.

30 Moses, Larry, The Political Role of Mongol Buddhism (Bloomington 1977) 124143Google Scholar.

31 Rupen, Robert, ‘The City of Urga in the Manchu Period’, Studia Altaica: Festschrift fur Nikolaus Poppe (Wiesbaden 1957) 157160Google Scholar.

32 Rossabi, Morris, China and Inner Asia from 1368 to the Present Day (New York 1975). 153154Google Scholar. Bawden offers the following description of some of these tax burdens: ‘[...] there was from 1727 onwards the system of watch posts to be maintained. Men had to be sent there, and their travelling expenses provided by the banner which sent them. Their services were lost to their home banner, and the allotment of pastures t o the actual watch posts mean t a considerable loss of good grazing ground to the frontier banners. Just as burdensome, if no t more so, was the servicing of the relay stations, which, with their heavy demand s for both men an d animals, horses for riding and sheep for provisions, took up a considerable proportion of Mongolia's rather primitive herding economy.’ See Bawden, , ‘The Mongol Rebellion’, 15Google Scholar.

33 Fletcher, Joseph, ‘Ch'ing Inner Asia, c. 1800’ in: Fairbank, John K. ed., The Cambridge History of China X, Late Ch'ing, 1800-1911 I (Cambridge 1978) 57Google Scholar;Friters, Gerard, Outer Mongolia and its International Position (London 1951) xxiiiGoogle Scholar.

34 Sanjdorj, 89.

35 Rossabi, 153-154.

36 Kaplonski, Christopher, ‘Collective Memory and Chingunjav's Rebellion’, History and Anthropology 6/ 2–3 (1993) 243246CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

37 Bawden, , ‘The Mongol Rebellion’, 21Google Scholar.

39 Bawden, , Modern History, 124125Google Scholar.

40 Bawden, , ‘The Mongol Rebellion’, 2226Google Scholar. For more detail, see Nathanson, Alynn, ‘Ch'ing Policies in Khalkha Mongolia and the Chingunjav Rebellion’, (PhD Thesis, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 1983)Google Scholar.

41 Kaplonski believes that the Tiishiyetu Khan's plan indicates that ‘The Mongols were not looking for the creation of a totally independent Mongol state’. See Kaplonski, 240.

42 Bawden, ‘The Mongol Rebellion’, 19.

43 Ibid., 28.

44 Kaplonski, Christopher, ‘“For the Memory of the Hero is His Second Life”: Truth, History and Politics in Late Twentieth Century Mongolia’ (PhD Thesis, Rutgers, State University of New Jersey 1996) 255270Google Scholar.

45 Kaplonski, , ‘For the Memory’, 270Google Scholar.

46 Kaplonski asserts, without an examination of the primary Chinese or Mongol sources, that Bawden (and, to a certain extent, I) have mis-interpreted Chenggiinjab's rebellion as an effort toward independence rather than simply an ‘opportunistic revolt’. However he fails to mention the Qing dynasty response of ensuring that the Bogdo Gegen be a Tibetan in order to prevent an alliance of the secular and religious leadership in a movement toward independence. An examination of the Qing sources indicates that the Manchu rulers were indeed concerned about the possibility.of a movement for Mongol independence. See Kaplonski, , ‘Collective Memory’, 248Google Scholar.

47 For a brief description of these sources, see Heissig, Walther and Bawden, Charles, Catalogue of Mongol Books, Manuscripts, and Xylographs (Copenhagen 1971) 321Google Scholar.

48 ‘A negative xenophobia rather than a positive will towards national independence seems to be what inspired the rebels […]’, Bawden, , ‘The Mongol Rebellion’, 29Google Scholar.