1 See Purcell, , The Chinese in Malaya (Kuala Lumpur 1967) 194–195Google Scholar; Jackson, R.N., Pickering, Protector of Chinese (Kuala Lumpur 1965) 59–64Google Scholar; Campbell, Persia Crawford, Chinese Coolie Emigration to Countries within the British Empire (reprint, London 1971) 2–7Google Scholar.

2 The new immigrants had little to say about the choice of occupation on their arrival since they were generally disposed of by the recruiters to an employer who spoke the same speech. See Lau-Fong, Mak, The Sociology of Secret Societies: A Study of Chinese Secret Societies in Singapore and Peninsular Malaysia (Kuala Lumpur 1981) 45–46Google Scholar; Warren, James Francis, At the Edge of Southeast Asian History (Quezon City 1987) 84Google Scholar.

3 Campbell, , Chinese Coolie Emigration, 7Google Scholar.

4 Purcell, , The Chinese in Malaya, 196Google Scholar; Jackson, R.N., Immigrant Labour and the Development of Malaya, 1786–1920 (Kuala Lumpur 1961) 72–75Google Scholar; Campbell, , Chinese Coolie Emigration, 9–11Google Scholar.

5 Jackson, , Pickering, 64–65Google Scholar; Blythe, W.L., ‘Historical Sketch of Chinese Labour in Malaya’, Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 20 (1947) 76Google Scholar.

6 Jackson, , Pickering, 69Google Scholar.

7 Blythe, , ‘Historical Sketch’, 76–77Google Scholar.

8 On Chinese coolie labour conditions in Singapore at the end of the nineteenth century, see Warren, James Francis, Rickshaw Cooties: A People's History of Singapore (1880–1940) (Singapore 1986)Google Scholar; on Chinese labour in the Malay States at the beginning of the twentieth century, see for example Jackson, , Immigrant Labour, 147–157Google Scholar.

9 Parmer, J. Norman, Colonial Labour Policy and Administration: A History of Labour in the Rubber Plantation Industry in Malaya, c. 1910–1941 (New York 1960) 30Google Scholar. See also Sadka, Emily, The Protected Malay States, 1874–1895 (Kuala Lumpur 1967) 313Google Scholar.

10 Parmer, , Colonial Labour Policy, 30Google Scholar.

11 Jackson, , Immigrant labour, 75–76Google Scholar, based on the Labour Commission Report for 1890. Those figures show that 16.12% of the Chinese who landed at Singapore during that period were classified as ‘unpaid passengers’, as compared to 33.80% of those who landed at Penang.

12 Quoted in Campbell, , Chinese Cootie Emigration, 13Google Scholar.

13 Parmer, , Colonial Labour Poticy, 31Google Scholar.

14 Sadka, , The Protected Malay States, 309Google Scholar.

15 Ibidem, 308–309.

16 Ibidem, 303, 306–308.

17 Ibidem. 181.

18 Mills, Lenox L., British Rule in Eastern Asia: A Study of Contemporary Government and Economic Development in British Malaya and Hong Kong (London 1942) 36–37Google Scholar; Yoong, Ng Siew, ‘The Chinese Protectorate in Singapore, 1877–1900’, Journal ofSoutheast Asian History 2 (1961) 96Google Scholar.

19 Freedman, Maurice, ‘Immigrants and Associations: Chinese in Nineteenth-Century Singapore’, Comparative Studies in Society and History 3 (1960-1961) 34CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Siang, Song Ong, One Hundred Years' History of the Chinese in Singapore (London 1923) 55Google Scholar.

20 Mills, , British Rule, 29Google Scholar.

21 Quoted in Parmer, , Colonial Labour Policy, 19Google Scholar.

22 Proceedings of the Legislative Council of the Straits Settlements, 1887, C199.

23 See Jackson, , Immigrant Labour, 116–123Google Scholar.

24 Parmer, , Colonial Labour Policy, 36Google Scholar.

25 Except in Kelantan where local conditions secured an extension of two years (Campbell, , Chinese Cootie Emigration, 25)Google Scholar.

26 Mills, , British Rule, 238Google Scholar; Ee, Joyce, ‘Chinese Migration to Singapore, 1896–1941’ Journal of Southeast Asian History 2 (1961) 41–42Google Scholar.

27 Parmer, , Colonial Labour Policy, 99–100Google Scholar.

28 Jackson, . Immigrant Labour, 120Google Scholar; and Ee, , ‘Chinese Migration’, 38Google Scholar.

29 Mills, , British Rule, 241–242Google Scholar; Purcell, , The Chinese in Malaya, 203–204Google Scholar.

30 Parmer, , Colonial Labour Policy, 94Google Scholar; Mills, , British Rule, 43–44Google Scholar.

31 Parmer, , Colonial Labour Policy, 92Google Scholar.

32 Ibidem, 242.

33 Ibidem, 241–242.

34 See Ee, , ‘Chinese Migration’, 38Google Scholar.

35 Ibidem, 97.

36 Coulet, G., ‘Les Chinois en Indochine’, Extreme-Asie, Revue Indochinoise Illustree, New Series 35 (1929) 461Google Scholar; quoted in Willmott, William E., The Chinese in Cambodia (Vancouver 1967) 69Google Scholar.

37 Forest, Alain, Le Cambodge et la colonisation francaise: Histoire d'une colonisation sans heurts (1897–1920) (Paris 1980) 465Google Scholar.

38 Forest, Alain, ‘Le Cambodge, la Chine et les Chinois’, Critique 32 (1976) 1202Google Scholar.

39 Art. 7; Hoeffel, , De la condition juridique des étrangers au Cambodge (Paris n.d. [c. 1932]) 61Google Scholar.

40 The best source on this complex juridical matter is Ernest Hoeffel, a doctor in law and former Resident Superior in Indochina, De la condition juridique, 60,92–95; see also Nicolas, Louis, Les trangers et le domaine cambodgien (Paris 1934) 88–90Google Scholar; and Dubreuil, Ren, De la condition des Chinois et de leur role economique en Indo-Chine, Ph.D. thesis, University of Paris, Faculty of Law (Bar-sur-Seine 1910) 53Google Scholar. The decree of 17 May 1895 provided that the French courts in Cochinchina and Cambodia would exercise two different jurisdictions, depending on the nationality of the parties. In some cases, they would apply French Law; in others, Annamese Law and laws specially passed for the Annamese. All law suits involving a French citizen would be under the jurisdiction of French Law. Litigations between French subjects and protected persons from Cochinchina, Annam, Tonkin, Laos and the territory of Kouang-Tcheou-Wan, and ‘alien Asians’ (Asiatiques etrangers) assimilated to the indigenous French subjects enumerated in the presidential order of 23 August 1871 would be tried under the jurisdiction of Annamese Law. The ‘alien Asians’ who, according to this presidential order, were subjected to Annamese law were: ‘the Chinese, the Cambodians [in Cochinchina, but not in Cambodia], the Minh-Huong, the Siamese, the Mois, the Chams, the Stiengs, the half-caste (Malays of Chaudoc)’.

41 Hoeffel, , De la condition juridique, 62–63Google Scholar. This policy erected barriers between the Chinese and the Cambodians which previously did not exist, and made it difficult for the Chinese to assimilate into the indigenous society. As a consequence, French policy slowed down the process of assimilation which was under way. In Malaya, on the other hand, the process of assimilation, which was more difficult because of the Islamic religion, was hindered by the large number of the Chinese community rather than by the British government methods.

42 Art. 5; Bulletin Administratif du Cambodge (B.A.C.), 1891, 362.Google ScholarTsai Maw-Kuey, writing on Vietnam, affirmed that the Chinese who spoke another dialect were included in the Hakka congregations (Maw-Kuey, Tsai, La Chinois au Sud-Vietnam, Ph.D. thesis, University of Paris, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, 1968, 34)Google Scholar.

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47 Art. 9; B.A.C., 1891, 364 (author's translation).

48 Ibidem, 367.

49 Art. 12 of the 1891 Ordinance; B.A.C., 1891, 365.

50 Art. 23 of the 1891 Ordinance; B.A.C., 1891, 368. See also Willmott, , The Political Structure, 25–27Google Scholar.

51 Art. 17; B.A.C., 1891, 367Google Scholar.

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53 Art. 1; B.A.C., 1925, 586Google Scholar.

54 Art. 23; B.A.C., 1891, 368Google Scholar.

55 Art. 31; Ibidem, 371.

56 Art. 9; B.A.C., 1912, 636Google Scholar.

57 Dubreuil, , De la condition des Chinois, 38Google Scholar.

58 Dinh, Nguyen Quoc, Les congregations chinoises en Indochinefrancaise (Ph.D. thesis, University of Toulouse, 1941) 119Google Scholar.

59 Menetrier, E., Monogmphie de la circonscription residentielle de Kampot (Saigon 1926)Google Scholar; quoted in Pourtier, Roland, ‘Les Chinois du Cambodge littoral’, Les Cahiers d'Outre-Mer 24 (1971) 50Google Scholar.

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64 Two following years according to the decree of 7 September 1912, Art. 41, BA.C, 1912, 643Google Scholar; twice in a period of five years according to a decree of 15 November 1919, Art. 44, B.A.C., 1919, 883Google Scholar.

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67 Art. 7, BA.C, 1891, 363Google Scholar.

68 Art. 2; B.A.C., 1912, 635Google Scholar. A decree of 15 November 1919 stipulated that the candidates had to belong to die exceptional category or to one of the First five classes of the business tax (out often determined according to the type of business) or pay an equivalent land tax (Art. 2; B.A.C., 1919, 872)Google Scholar. A decree of 6 December 1935 specified that the candidates had to pay a business or land tax of 40 piastres in Phnom Penh, 30 piastres in the other towns and 15 piastres in the interior of the country (Art. 5; B. A.C., 1936, 20–21)Google Scholar.

69 In 1910, Dubreuil had written that: ‘in order to avoid that an always possible dismissal comes and makes him lose face, today the big Chinese personage does not solicit any longer the vote of his fellow countrymen, he makes appoint to hold the post of chef of the congrgation some man of straw or other’ (De la condition des Chinois, 37–38, audior's translation).

70 Nguyen, , Les congregations chinoises, 98–99Google Scholar.

71 Art. 1 and 2; B. A.C., 1913, 185Google Scholar.

72 Art. 3 and 4; Ibidem.

73 Art. 1 and 2; B.A.C., 1913, 446Google Scholar.

74 Art. 28, 30 and 34 of the 1891 Ordinance, B.A.C., 1891. 370–371; Art. 37, 38 and 34 of the decree of 7 September 1912,Google ScholarBA.C, 1912, 642–643Google Scholar.

75 Author's estimation from the figures of the 1921 census and the revenues to the local budget of Cambodia; Annuaire slatistique de I'Indochine 1, 34–35, 270.

76 Forest, , Le Cambodge et la colonisation française, 469Google Scholar. These duties were rated at 8 and 4 piastres in 1924 (De Galembert, J., Les Administrations et les services publiques indochinois (Hanoi 1924) 785)Google Scholar.

77 Nicolas, , Les elrangers et le domaine cambodgien, 132Google Scholar.

78 Hoeffel, , De la condition juridique, 64Google Scholar; see also Forest, , Le Cambodge et la colonisation franaise, 468–469Google Scholar.

79 An income tax was in force for two years, from 1920 to 1922. It was abolished because it was highly unpopular among the Chinese and European merchants and planters and because a high percentage of those who were liable to pay managed to evade it (Mills, , British Rule, 81)Google Scholar.

80 Purcell, , The Chinese in Malaya, 188Google Scholar; Mills, , British Rule, 81Google Scholar; Heussler, Robert, British Rule in Malaya: The Malayan Civil Service and Its Predecessors, 1867–1942 (Oxford 1981) 156Google Scholar.

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82 Ibidem, 193.

83 The railways ran between the mining districts and the coast and, according to Sadka, the Chinese were the people most frequently in the courts and their disputes involved the largest sums (Sadka, , The Protected Malay States, 298–299)Google Scholar.

84 Ibidem, 299, referring to the Appendixes to the Annual Report of Perak for 1895.

85 For example, in 1894, in Upper Pcrak, a 93%-Malay district, the revenue was $ 4,432 and the expenditure $ 25,655 (Ibidem, 299).

86 Willmott, , The Chinese in Cambodia, 15Google Scholar.