1 Heesterman, Jan C., ‘Two Types of Spatial Boundaries’ in: Cohen, Erik, Lissak, Moshe, and Almagor, Uri eds, Comparative Social Dynamics: Essays in Honor of S.N. Eisenstadt (Boulder and London 1985)Google Scholar; Breman, Jan, The Village of Java and the Early-Colonial State (Rotterdam 1980)Google Scholar; Breman, Jan, ‘The Shattered Image: Construction and Deconstruction of the Village in Colonial Asia’, Comparative Asian Studies 2 (1988)Google Scholar; Scott, James C., Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed (New Haven and London 1998)Google Scholar; Atsuko, Ohashi, ‘Selbu Java no coffee seisan to Regents no saihen: shöhin seisan syokuminchi no kensetsu’ [Coffee Production in West Java and Reorganisation of Regents: Construction of a Cash Crop Producing Colony] in: Noboru, Karashima et al. eds, Tonan Ajia kokka no rekishi-teki isou: dentou-teki kokka, syokuminchi kokka, kokumin kokka [Historical Phases of Southeast Asian States: Traditional States, Colonial States, and Nation States] (Tokyo 1992).Google Scholar

2 de Jonge, J.K.I. et al. eds, De Opkomst van het Nederlandsche Gezag in Oost-lndië’: Verzameling van Onuitgegeven Stukken uit het Oud-Koloniaal Archief X (Amsterdam and The Hague 1862–1909) 119–120Google Scholar, 21 Feb. 1747; Verenigde Oost-lndische Compagnie, Nationaal Archief, The Hague (VOC) 2789: 618–619, 28 Apr. 1752. According to local tradition, Javanese migrants introduced irrigated rice cultivation. Eindresume van het bij Gouvemements besluit dd. 10 Juni 1867 No. 2 Bevolen Onderzoek naar de Rechten van den Inlander op den Grond op Java en Madoera II (Batavia 1876–1896) Appendix A, 2.

3 De Jonge, Opkomst X, 120–121, 21 Feb. 1747; VOC 2751: 112r–113r, 3 Nov. 1750; Arsip Daerah Banten, Arsip Nasional Republik Indonesia, Jakarta (ADB) 30: no pagination, 11 Nov. 1790.

4 According to Portuguese sources, one of the founders of Banten was Faletehan, an Islamic teacher from Pasai. Hoesein Djajadiningrat explains that Faletehan, after his pilgrimage to Mecca, spread Islam in Demak under the protection of the king. In 1527, with help of 2,000 Javanese soldiers sent by the king of Demak, he established his rule in the Banten area, which had been under the control of Pajajaran, a Hindu kingdom located in West Java. Faletehan is usually identified with Sunan Gunung Jati, one of the nine Javanese Islamic saints (wali sanga), based on Sajarah Banten, the chronicle of the sultanate compiled around 1662. I use the plural ‘founders’ advisedly because in my opinion Sunag Gunung Jati's son, Molana Hasanuddin, was the person who really stabilised the kingdom. According to Claude Guillot, Banten ceased to fall under the sovereignty of Demak around 1546, when the sultan of Demak died in a military expedition against Pasuruan. Djajadiningrat, Hoesein, Critische Beschouwing van de Sadjarah Banten: Bijdrage ter Kenschetsing van de Jauaanse Geschiedschrijving (Haarlem 1913) 73–92Google Scholar; Guillot, Claude, The Sultanate of Banten (Jakarta 1990) 20.Google Scholar

5 Kathirithamby-Wells, J., ‘Banten: A West Indonesian Port and Polity during the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries’ in: Kathirithamby-Wells, J. and Villiers, John eds, The Southeast Asian Port and Polity: Rise and Demise (Singapore 1990) 111–120Google Scholar; Reid, Anthony, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 1450–1680 II: Expansion and Crisis (New Heaven and London 1993) 280–281.Google Scholar

6 Heeres, J.E. ed., Corpus Diplomaticum Neerlando Indicum: Verzameling oan Politieke Contracten en Verdere Verdragen door de Nederlanders in het Oosten Gesloten, van Privilegebrieven aan Hen Verleend, enz. III (Bijdragen tot de Taal-;, Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-lndië 91) (Leiden 1934) 336–350, 17–28 April 1684.Google Scholar

7 In 1747, for example, the income from the pepper transaction amounted to 60,000 Spanish reals, accounting for 69 per cent of the total income of the sultanate. Atsushi, Ota, ‘The Banten Rebellion of 1750–52: Factors of Mass Participation’, Modem Asian Studies 37–3 (2003) 628–629.Google Scholar

8 Stapel, F.W. ed., Corpus Diplomaticum Neerlando Indicum: Verzameling van Politieke Contracten en Verdere Verdragen door de Nederlanders in het Oosten Gesloten, van Privilegebrieven aan Hen Verleend, enz. V (Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-lndië 96) (Leiden 1938) 547–560Google Scholar, 16–17 April 1752. About the rebellion of 1750–1752, see Ota, ‘The Banten Rebellion’.

9 Bulbeck, David, Reid, Anthony, Tan, Lay Cheng, and Wu, Yiqi eds, Southeast Asian Exports since the 14th Century: Cloves, Pepper, Coffee, and Sugar (Singapore 1998) 70, 74–75, 84–85.Google Scholar

10 Information on pepper imports and prices in China is available only after 1770. The amount of pepper brought by Dutch ships from Batavia to Canton kept increasing almost throughout the 1770s. The price in Canton kept between 11 to 14.5 tael during the 1770s until it dropped to 10 tael in 1780. Kathirithamby-Wells, J., The British West Sumatran Presidency 1760–1785: Problems of Early Colonial Enterprise (Kuala Lumpur 1977) 217.Google Scholar

11 The large annual fluctuation in Figure 2 derives from the unstable transportation from Lampung to Banten city. Since the transportation often delayed beyond a fiscal year due to pirates attacks and bad weather, the five years' average indicates more reliable delivery trend.

12 Coolhaas, W.Ph. ed., Generate Missiven van Gouvemeurs-Generaal en Raden aan Heren XVII der Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie VI (The Hague 1976) 570, 25 Nov. 1711Google Scholar; ibid. VII (The Hague 1979) 576, 30 Nov. 1721.

13 According to the Dutch, causes of the delivery decline of pepper are: poor treatment of Lampung traders in Banten city; oppression by the Bantenese officials acting in Lampung; delayed or incomplete payments to the producers; pirate attacks on pepper-producing areas and on pepper ships in the Sunda Strait; ‘illegal’ purchase by Palembang merchants and the English in Benkulu. van Goor, J. ed., Generate Missiven van Gouverneurs-Generaal en Raden aan Heren XVII der Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie IX (The Hague 1988) 418Google Scholar, 8 Dec. 1732; Ibid. 456–457, 10 Feb. 1733; Talens, Johan, Een Feodale Samenleving in Koloniaal Vaanvater: Staatvorming, Koloniale Expansie en Economische Onderontwikkeling in Banten, West-Java 1600–1750 (Hilversum 1999) 75Google Scholar; Coolhaas, Generate Missiven VI, 185, 31 Jan. 1702; VOC 3094: 3, 8 May 1763; Coolhaas, Generate Missiven VIII, 118, 31 March 1727; Van Goor, Generate Missiven IX, 357, 25 Oct. 1735; VOC 3094:3–4, 8 May 1763; Coolhaas, Generate Missiven VII, 392, 15 Jan. 1719; ibid. 448, 30 Nov. 1719; Van Goor, Generate Missiven IX, 623, 30 Nov. 1734; Schooneveld-Oosterling, J.E. ed., Generate Missiven van Gouvemeurs-Generaal en Raden aan Heren XVII der Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie XI (The Hague 1997) 124Google Scholar, 26 Oct. 1744; ibid. 714, 31 Dec. 1748. Pepper producers in Lampung often preferred selling their produce to Palembang and English merchants who offered higher prices, instead of bringing it to Banten at a lower price and after a risky voyage. DeJonge, Opfomst X, 121, 21 Feb. 1747; Stapel, Co/pus Diplomaticum V, 442–443, 6 Feb. 1747; Andaya, Barbara Watson, To Live as Brothers: Southeast Sumatra in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Honolulu 1993) 197–201Google Scholar; Atsushi, Ota, ‘Jūhachi seiki Lampong ni okeru Oranda no sisaku to genchi shakai: koshô torihiki o tegakari to site’ [The Dutch East India Company's Policy and Indigenous Society in Lampong: Through the Pepper Trade in the Eighteenth Century], Shiteki 20 (1988) 27–29.Google Scholar

14 Bulbeck et at., Southeast Asian exports, 66.

15 Eindresumé II, 3–4; ibid., Appendix A, 6; JDRVB (J. de Rovere van Breugel), ‘Bedenkingen over den Staat van Bantam’, Bijdragen tot de Taal–, Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-lndië new series 1 (1856) 162–163. It was only in the northerly wet rice-fields regions that royal domains called sawah negarah were distributed to the peasants. The land system in pre-colonial Banten has been discussed by several scholars, but only in passing. Kern, R.A., ‘Het Landelijk Stelsel in het Bantamsche Rijk’, De Indische Gids 28 (1906)Google Scholar; Kartodirdjo, Sartono, The Peasants' Revolt of Banten 1888: Its Conditions, Course, and Sequel. A Case Study of Social Movements in Indonesia (Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 50) (Leiden 1966)Google Scholar; Williams, Michael, Communism, Religion, and Revolt in Banten (Ohio University Monographs in International Studies, Southeast Asia series 86) (1990)Google Scholar; Eri, Fujita, ‘Shokuminchi-ki Banten no sonraku gyōsei ni tsuite: sonraku shihai-sou no kenryoku kōzō o chūshin toshite’ [Village Administration in Colonial Banten: The Power Structure of the Village Leaders] (MA thesis, Hiroshima University 1999).Google Scholar

16 ADB 30: 229r, 20 Nov. 1789; ADB 30: no pagination, 6 Sep. 1790; Mackenzie Collections: Miscellaneous, British Library London (MCM) 81 (11): 243, n.d. but supposedly November 1812 (Bastin, John, Raffles' Ideas on the Land Rent System in Java and the Mackenzie Land Tenure Commission (Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Landen Volkenkunde 14) (Leiden 1954) 106)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Resumé van het bij Gouvernements besluit van 10 Juli 1867 No. 2 Bevolen Onderzoek naar de Regten van den Grond in de Residentie Bantam (Batavia 1871) 7.Google Scholar

17 MCM 81(11): 237–238, n.d. but supposedly November 1812 (Bastin, Raffles' Ideas, 106). This type of ponggawa formed an influential group in the court as early as 1609. Pieter Willemsz. Verhoeven, ‘lournael ende Verhael, van alle het gene dat Ghesien ende Voor-Ghevallen is op de Reyse, Gedaen door den E. ende Gestrengen Piter Willemsz. Verhoeven, Admirael Generael over 13 Schepen, Gaende naer de Oost-lndien, China, Philipines, ende byleggende Rijcken, inden Iare 1607 ende volgende’, in: Begin ende Voortgangh der Vereenighde Nederlantsche Geoctroyeerde Oost-lndische Compagnie (n.p. 1646) 45–46.

18 ADB 27: 61–62, 10 Aug. 1789; Ota, ‘The Banten Rebellion’, 625–626. Since the ponggawa already existed before the Muslim/Javanese founders put Banten city under their control in the early sixteenth century, at least a part of the ponggawa must have been the indigenous Sundanese. However, it is not clear how and what relationships the indigenous elite established with the court. Djajadiningrat, Critische Beschouwing, 32.

19 Rovere van Breugel, ‘Bedenkingen’, 163.

20 Ota Atsushi, ‘Social Division and Local Administrative System of Banten in the Eighteenth Century’ (unpublished paper).

21 VOC 3248: no pagination, 9 July 1768; ADB 27: 60, 9 Aug. 1789.

22 ADB 30: 230r–231r, 20 Nov. 1789; ADB 27: 26–27, 31 July 1789.

23 Mackenzie Collections: Private, British Library London (MCP) 4: 291–292, 30 Sep. 1811; Eindresumé II, 23; ibid., Appendix A, 4–6, 10–12.

24 MCM 81 (11): 244, n.d. but supposedly November 1812 (Bastin, Raffles' Ideas, 106).

25 Eindresumé II, 3.

26 ADB 177: A–5, 31 March 1821.

27 There exist three censuses made in the Banten sultanate. The first was compiled in 1696 on the order of Sultan Abul Mohazan Muhammad Zainul Abidin (Oriental Department, Leiden University Library Leiden (LOr) 2052: 188v). The second (LOr 2055) does not have the information on the year of the compilation, but it is clear from the contents that it was made several years after the first one. The third one is too severely damaged to use for analysis (LOr 7709). There is no direct information about the purpose for which the sultan ordered the compilation of these censuses. However, their most important feature is that they explicitly place people under the ponggawa or under the sultan. We may conclude that these relationships between people and their patron were important to the system of rule in the sultanate, and that determining such relationships was probably main purpose of the census. I shall later publish a detailed discussion on these censuses, of which so far nobody has attempted in-depth analysis. Ota, ‘Social Division’.

28 Ibid.

29 With this, however, I do not intend to judge whether the Javanese village as an administrative unit has pre-colonial origins or not, which has been a issue of long controversies (some scholars, among them Jan Breman, argue that under the colonial regime the village became a spatial and administrative standard entity; while others, such as Peter Boomgaard argue that the Javanese village was an administrative unit and/or corporative unit in the pre-colonial period). It is true that the colonial regime reorganised existing local settlements into villages, but this does not deny the possibility that original settlements, whatever they were called, may have functioned as residential, administrative, or corporative communities connected to a portion of territory. It seems more important to examine the character of the pre-colonial administrative unit, and to trace its historical transformation in a certain area, than to develop highly theoretical ideas based on fragmentary data from all over Java. Breman, The Village of Java and The Shattered Image; Boomgaard, Peter, ‘The Javanese Village as a Cheshire Cat: The Java Debate Against a European and Latin American Background’, The Journal of Peasant Studies 18 (1991).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

30 VOC 2999: 949r-949v, 17 Oct. 1761.

31 VOC 3093: 15, 1 July 1763.

32 Heesterman, ‘Two Types of Spatial Boundaries’, 61 and 68.

33 Nagtegaal, Luc, Riding the Dutch Tiger The Dutch East Indies Company and the North Coast of Java, 1680–1743 (Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Landen Volkenkunde 171) (Leiden 1996) 51–52Google Scholar; Hoadley, Mason, Towards a Feudal Mode of Production: West Java. 1680–1800 (Singapore 1995) 75–76.Google Scholar

34 Adas, Michael, ‘From Avoidance to Confrontation: Peasant Protest in Precolonial and Colonial Southeast Asia’, Comparative Studies in Society and History 23 (1981) 218.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

35 VOC 3093: 15–16, 1 July 1763; VOC 3093: 27–28, 15 Aug. 1763.

36 VOC 3093: 40–42, 28 Sep. 1763; Rovere van Breugel, ‘Bedenkingen’, 135–136.

37 The inspection reports do not mention the harvest season. However, the account of pepper cultivation in West Sumatra by William Marsden, who worked for the English East India Company there from 1771 to 1779, is worth referring to as a contemporary source. He explained that cultivators prepared for harvesting in June, July, and August Marsden, William, A History of Sumatra (Kuala Lumpur etc. 1975Google Scholar; originally published in 1811) 137–138.

38 ‘Specificatie Lijst van Sodanige Peperplantagiën […]’ in ‘Overgekomend Brieven en Papieren’ 1765, VOC 3157; ibid. 1766, VOC 3185; ibid. 1767, VOC 3214; ibid. 1768, VOC 3248; ibid. 1769, VOC 3277; ibid. 1770, VOC 3306; ibid. 1772, VOC 3363; ibid. 1773, VOC 3388; ibid. 1774, VOC 3417; ibid. 1775, VOC 3444; ibid. 1776, VOC 3469; ibid. 1777, VOC 3498; ibid. 1778, VOC 3527; ibid. 1780, 1781, 1789, 1790, ADB 27. No paginations.

39 ADB 27: 178–179, 20 Nov. 1789; ADB 30: 232r–233r, 20 Nov. 1789.

40 Heesterman, ‘Two Types of Spatial Boundaries’, 67. Although Heesterman uses the term ‘centre-and radical pattern’ to describe the characteristic of ‘traditional’ boundaries, it seems appropriate to describe the pattern of the way the ruler's orders were conveyed in ‘traditional’ society.

41 Scott, Seeing Like a State, 2. Scott's analysis of the ‘modem’ state's attempts ‘to make a society legible’ and ‘to get a handle on its subjects and their environment’ is set largely in nineteenth- and twentieth-century Europe and Africa, yet his discussion also seems appropriate to eighteenth-century Banten.

42 ADB 27: 172–173, 20 Nov. 1789; ADB 30: 238r–239r, 20 Nov. 1789.

43 VOC 3157, part 2, no pagination, 10 Aug. 1765.

44 All these terms come from Javanese or Malay. Negorij comes from Javanese nagara (or negara, negari, negeri), meaning a city, a main city, a capital city, or a state, or Malay negeri, which can be used loosely of any settlement, although the original of these words is Sanskrit nagara, meaning town or city. Campong derives from Javanese kampung, meaning a residential precinct, a residential area, a village, or an urban quarter, or from Malay kampong, a cluster of buildings making up a small hamlet Bukit originates from Malay, meaning a hill, and it does not exist in Javanese. Pigeaud, Th., Javaans-Mederlands Woordenboek (Leiden 1994Google Scholar; originally published 1938); Wilkinson, R.J., A Malay-English Dictionary (London and New York 1959)Google Scholar; Zoetmulder, P.J., Old Jauanese-English Dictionary (The Hague 1982)Google Scholar; Robson, Stuart and Wibisono, Singgih, Javanese English Dictionary (Singapore 2002).Google Scholar

45 According to the Dutch inspectors, negorij was a main village (hoofd negorij), campong was a hamlet (gehucht), and bukit meant a fixed negorij or campong (vaste negorijen of campongs). However, the relation between the main village and the hamlet is by no means clear in the reports. The only obvious thing is that the Dutch called relatively larger villages negorij, and smaller ones campong.

46 Only one or two Dutch inspectors carried out the pepper inspection at any one time, following one fixed inspection route. That is why I judge that if the names of the villages were noted consecutively in the inspection report, they were located next to each other geographically. However, I excluded villages which seemed to have been located far away from each other, judging from the inspection date and the location, which is indicated by the direction and number of hours’ travel from the capital.

47 For example, ADB 177: A-5, 31 March 1821; ADB 180: 5a, 20 June 1827; Eindresumi III, 2.

48 VOC 3099: 2071v–2072v, 31 Dec. 1764; VOC 3128: 1720v–1721r, 31 Dec. 1765; VOC 3281: 1560v–1561r; 31 Dec. 1770; VOC 3311: 1780v–1781r, 31 Dec. 1771; VOC 3340: 1433v, 31 Dec. 1772; VOC 3388: 14r, 11 July 1773.

49 VOC 3248: no pagination, 21 July 1768.

50 VOC 3248: no pagination, 9 July 1768.

51 Pepper inspection reports for 1766, VOC 3185; for 1767, VOC 3214; for 1768, VOC 3248; and for 1769, VOC 3277.

52 HRB: 1004, 304–305, 2 July 1766.

53 It is worth considering the reliability of the sources. As I discuss later, the information concerning the number of pepper vines in the inspection reports is not reliable. However, it is noticeable that the number of cultivators constantly increased every year in the 1760s and the 1770s (see Figure 5). Reporting increasing numbers of people to the inspectors was distinctly disadvantageous for both the ponggawa and the villagers because it meant larger pepper delivery obligations. That such unfavourable information was reported would be a proof of its reliability. The reports of 1789 and 1790, which were conducted particularly stringently, tally quite closely in these population figures with previous reports.

54 HRB 1004: 296, 2 July 1766. The ponggawa received 8 Spanish reals per bahar of pepper from the sultan, but it is not clear how much they paid to their cultivators.

55 VOC 3093: 15–16, 1 Jury 1763.

56 ‘Specificatie Lijst van Sodanige Peperplantagiën […]’ 1766, VOC 3185, no pagination.

57 VOC 3124: 51–52, 18 Feb. 1764.

58 Eindresumé II, 3.

59 ADB 180: no pagination, 20 June 1827; Resume, 6; Eindresmé III, 2.

60 VOC 3248: no pagination, 9 July 1768.

61 Breman, The Village of Java, 37.

62 Heesterman, ‘Two Types of Spatial Boundaries’, 67.

63 Ohashi, ‘Seibu Java’, 124–125.

64 VOC 3711: 2068r, 31 Dec. 1786.

65 VOC 3475: 1726r–1726v, 31 Dec. 1777.

66 De Jonge, Opkomst XI, 380, 20 Jan. 1779; VOC 3533: 1424v–1425r, 31 Dec. 1779; VOC 3655: 787r, 31 Dec. 1784; VOC 3683: 1958v, 31 Dec. 1785.

67 VOC 3711: 2068r,31 Dec. 1786; VOC 3767:1141v–1142r, 29 Dec. 1787; VOC 3776:4542v–4543r, 30 Dec. 1788.

68 ADB 27:50–51,7 Aug. 1789;ADB 27:56–58,8Aug. 1789;ADB 30:212r–216r,20Nov. 1789.

69 VOC 3711: 2070v–2071 r. 31 Dec. 1786.

70 ADB 27: 28–29, 31 July 1789; ADB 27: 34, 1 Aug. 1789; ADB 27: 175–176, 20 Nov. 1789; ADB 30: 233r–234r, 20 Nov. 1789; ADB 30: 118–122, 22 Oct 1792.

71 Talens, Een Feodale Samenleving, 65; J. de Rovere van Breugel, ‘Beschrijving van Bantam en de Lampongs’, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-lndië new series 1 (1856) 342.

72 ADB 27:26–27,31 Jury 1789; ADB 27:42–44,3 Aug. 1789; ADB 27: 116–118,7 Sep. 1789.

73 ADB 27: 42, 3 Aug. 1789.

74 ADB 27: 26–27, 31 July 1789.

75 ADB 27: 26–27, 31 July 1789; ADB 27: 43–44, 3 Aug. 1789; ADB 27: 59–60, 9 Aug. 1789; ADB 27: 116–118, 7 Sep. 1789.

76 HRB 1004: 296, 2 July 1766.

77 ADB 27: 167–169, 20 Nov. 1789; ADB 30: 259r–260r, 20 Nov. 1789.

78 ADB 27: 180–181, 20 Nov. 1789.

79 VOC 3776: 4542v–4543r, 30 Dec. 1788.

80 ADB 27: 172–173, 20 Nov. 1789; ADB 30: 238r–239r, 20 Nov. 1789.

81 VOC 3711: 2070v–2071r, 31 Dec. 1786; VOC 3767: 1150v–1151r, 29 Dec. 1787; VOC 3776: 4546v–4547r, 30 Dec. 1788.

82 ADB 18: 23–24, 7 Nov. 1789; ADB 30: 46–48, 1 May 1791; ADB 31: no pagination, 23 Nov. 1793; ADB 31: 219–220, 22 March 1794.

83 Ota, ‘Social Division’. Pedhekan is probably a variant of përdikan, literally free people. The Dutch distinguished pĕdhekan and abdi dalem in the eighteenth century, calling them respectively urije Bantammer (free Bantenese) and abdi or rijksslaven (state serves). This corresponds to the same kind of distinction of people in a nineteenth-century source: mardika and abdi. The both pĕdhekan and mardika derive from a common stem mĕrdika or mardika in Javanese, literally independent or free, originating from Sanskrit maharddhika. ADB 30:237r–239r, 20 Nov. 1789; Eindresumé II, 1–2; Pigeaud, Jauaans-Nederlands Woordenboek; Wilkinson, A Malay-English Dictionary; Jonathan Rigg, A Dictionary of the Sunda Language of Java (Batavia 1862).

84 The omission of ĕ is quite common in Javanese texts.

85 The original word is Kanca, literally a friend. However, in the total they are paraphrased as pakardi, literally labourer.

86 The meaning is not clear. Pigeaud assumes it to be assimilated people who came originally from another village, without giving any reason in his catalogue entry of the Javanese sources kept in the Netherlands. Th. Pigeaud, Literature of Java; Catalogue Raisonné of Javanese Manuscripts in the Library of the University of Leiden and other Public Collections in the Netherlands III (Leiden 1967–1970) 68.

87 Jubag literally means old people, but it also referred to people who could not work because of old age or some other reason, for instance people without ability or judgment (tampa daksa) were included in jubag.

88 Santri literally means one who adheres strictly to Islamic principles, or pupil living in an Islamic school, but it was also used as a title of village religious experts. Snouck Hurgronje, C., ‘De Islam in Nederlandsch-lndië’, Groote godsdiensten 2–9 (1913) 22.Google Scholar

89 Panambangan literally followers or servants to entertain people, but the exact meaning in this context is not clear.

90 Prajaka means unmarried young men. Although they are not mentioned in this part, they are very common in other parts of the census.