1 In 1541 Cabeza de Vaca took possession of Santa Catarina Island, south of Sao Vicente, and the following year he commissioned Domingo de Irala to go into Paraguay to search for new land. Archivo General de Indias (AGI), Sevilla, Justicia, 1131.

2 See, for example, the proposal by the Governor of Rio de la Plata, Hernandarías de Saavedra, who suggested to the king that Potosi and Santa Catarina, south of the Captaincy of Sao Vicente, be connected: ‘Carta del gobernador del Rio de la Plata Hernandarias de Saavedra a Su Majestad […]’. Buenos Aires, letter to the king, 5 May 1607. AGI, Charcas, 27.

3 See, for example, Álvarez, Manuel Fernández, Felipe II y su tiempo (Madrid 1999) 787Google Scholar and following.

4 Ibid., 515 and following.

5 Manuel Fernández Álvarez cites as evidence for Felipe II's effective defence structure ‘the spectacular increase of precious metal shipments during his reign’. Fernández Álvarez, Felipe II, 790.

6 It is important to keep in mind that it was quite difficult to enter the mouth of the Plata River. Not everybody was familiar with the channels that the ships should follow. In fact, the best navigators were Portuguese because they were best familiar with the techniques for getting to Buenos Aires. Canabrava, Alice P., O comércio português no rio da Prata (1580–1640) (Sāo Paulo 1984) 150Google Scholar.

7 The cut and thrust that took place regarding the opening and closure of the Buenos Aires port to commerce also indicates that one of the main reasons for its foundation was not commerce, but defence. As for smuggling on the Plata River, see Canabrava, O comércio.

8 AGI, Buenos Aires, File 2, Book 1. Real Cédula, 30–11–1595 al gobernador del rio de la Plata: ‘Do not allow foreigners and nationals to go through to Peru or anywhere else without express authorization from His Majesty’.

9 Cintra, Jorge P., Edificios publicos, mosteiros, fortes e calçadas no Brasil-Colônia (Universidade de Sāo Paulo 2000, in press) 9–12Google Scholar.

10 If we take into account that the Spanish Armada was defeated in 1588 and that all these conquests needed a great number of warships, we can obtain a better idea of the great war and defence effort made by Spain in these ‘new’ conquests in American territory.

11 Canabrava, O comércio, 40.

12 Tomé de Souza denied Nóbrega's request for permission to go and catechise the Guarani indians. When Nóbrega explained why the Governor must have made that decision, he wrote that the path was closed because the Castilians had found mines about 100 leagues from the Captaincy. Leite, S., Cartas do Brasil e mais escritos do Padre Manoel da Nóbrega (Coimbra 1955) 156Google Scholar.

13 Many documents mention that path and state that in a short time it became very easy to follow it. Thus, for example: ‘As I have seen with my own eyes the land of Guayra and been so close to Sao Paulo, I must warn Your Majesty that it is very easy for the Dutch and other enemies to come into all these lands and move on to Peru’. ‘Carta de Francisco Vasquez Trujillo a Su Magestad sobre puntos tocantes a las reducciones […]’, Buenos Aires, 12 June 1632. AGI, Charcas, 2.

14 ‘Consulta do Conselho da índia sobre a petição de Diogo de Quadros, referente ao beneficio das minas de ouro de Sāo Paulo’, Archivo General de Simancas (AGS) Secretarias Provinciais 1476, 5 June 1606, 166r–167v.

15 Ibid.

16 This solution is identical to the one adopted by the Crown in Peru when, due to a shortage of labour, they decided to employ the yanaconas in the Potosi mines.

17 Ibid.

18 ‘Carta del gobernador del Rio de la Plata Hernandarías de Saavedra a Su Magestad dando cuenta de haber partido en compãnía del obispo para la ciudad de La Asunción […]’, Buenos Aires, 5 June 1604. AGI, Charcas, 27.

19 ‘Carta n. 697 del Gobernador del Rio de la Plata Hernandarías de Saavedra a Su Magestad informando sobre el estado en que se hallaba la tierra’, Buenos Aires, 4 May 1607. AGI, Charcas, 27.

20 ‘Carta del gobernador del Rio de la Plata Hernandarías de Saavedra a Su Magestad contestando a lo que se le escribió en 24 de octubre de 1605 sobre la reducció;n de los naturales de la provincia que descubrio entre la ciudad de La Asunción, Charcas, Tucumán y Santa Cruz de la Sierra’, Buenos Aires, 5 May 1607. AGI, Charcas, 27.

21 Ibid.

22 Ibid.

23 Ibid. The original mentions Pedro Vaez de Barrios.

24 ‘Carta del Cabildo de Ciudad Real al gobernador de Buenos Ayres Diego Marin Negron sobre la inquietud que los Portugueses de san Pablo del Brasil causaban entre los naturals de aquella region’, Ciudad Real, 20 December 1612. AGI, Charcas, 112.

25 ‘Carta de Bartolomé Torales al Gobernador del Rio de la Plata Diego Marin Negron sobre el alzamiento y uida de los indios de la provincia de Guayra sonsacados por los Portugueses de la villa de San Pablo’, Guaira, 19 December 1612. AGI, Charcas, 112.

26 These are the consequences of the Empire's vision: the Crown had left the colonization of the whole Peruvian area in the hands of the Jesuits, and they were responsible for getting the Indians to help the Spaniards in the encomiendas. The same decision had been reached regarding Portuguese territories. D. Francisco de Souza was taking advantage of the concept of Empire, with the elimination of borders, to apply the laws for his own benefit. Whether consciously or unconsciously, he was starting a regional economy which went beyond border limits.

27 ‘Carta del Cabildo’. AGI, Charcas, 112.

28 The title given to him in the document dated 12 November 1611 is gouernador capitan general de las provincias de san pablo (governor captain general of the provinces of Sao paulo). ‘Testimonio y trasunto en castellano de la comision que el gobernador de San Pablo del Brasil, don Luis de Souza, dio en la Aldea de Fuerte a 25 de agosto (de 1611) a los caciques de las aldeas […]’. AGI, Charcas, 112.

29 Israel, J.I., The Dutch Republic and the Hispanic World, 1606–1661 (Oxford 1986) 25Google Scholar.

30 Ibid., 27.

31 Ibid., 67.

32 ‘Avisos tocantes a la India Occidental. Explican los progresos que Olandeses, Franceses e Ingleses hacian en las riberas del rio de las Amazonas’. AGI, Patronato, 2–5–1/27 in Anais da Biblioteca Nacional do Rio de Janeiro (ABNRJ) 26 (1905) 335.

33 Ibid.

34 ‘Carta de S. Mg. sobre o Pará; ao gouemador do estado do Brasil, 4 de setembro de 1616. Segundo Livro do Governo do Brasil’ IV. Anais do Museo Paulista (AMP) 3, 11.

35 The same letter makes reference to a fortress and a settlement, with ‘sugar mills’ belonging to the Dutch.

36 Israel, The Dutch Republic, 25.

37 Dom Antonio, Prior of Crato, was one of the potential heirs to the Portuguese Crown after the death of King Sebastiao. When Felipe II won the struggle for the throne, Dom Antonio, being supported by France, was a real threat for a few years.

38 ‘Carta a Dom Luis de Souza do seu Con^o Gouernador e Capitão General destado do Brasil’, 24 September 1618. Segundo Livro do Governo do Brasil. AMP 3, 77.

39 ‘Carta a Dom Luis’, 28 August 1618. Ibid., 75.

40 ‘Carta a Dom Luis’, 14 August 1617. Ibid., 73.

41 ‘Carta a Dom Luis’, 16 August 1617. Ibid., 45.

42 These measures are all the more significant if we compare them with the lack of trust shown by Austria House as to arming the the Indians from the Jesuit missions in Guaira, who were only allowed to carry firearms after Spain and Portugal separated.

43 ABNRJ 26, 202.

44 Ibid., ‘Carta sobre as dilig^as do fisco E gente da nação’, 20 November 1618.

45 ABNRJ 26, 373.

46 ‘Relacion de lo que pareze por los ynformes que ha remitido la Casa de la Contratación de personas practicas sobre la población que los Portugueses intentan hazer cinquenta leguas adentro del Rio Marañón’, Ibid., Madrid, 17 December 1617.

47 AMP 3, 49, ‘Carta de S. Mag.de sobre o modo q se hade ser no beneficio das minas q promete Melchior dias morea’.

48 ‘Informe de Manuel Juan de morales de las cosas de San Pablo y maldades de sus moradores hecho a su Magestad por un Manuel Juan morales de la misma villa. 1636’. Manuscritos da Coleçāo De Angelis. ‘Jesuitas e Bandeirantes n^o Guayra (1549–1640)’. Doc. n^o XXXVI. Biblioteca Nacional, RJ, 1951. Introduction, notes and glossary by Jaime Cortesão.

49 The Council of Portugal and State admonished that ‘recapturing Bahia concerned Castile and the rest of the Monarchy as much as Portugal, for it is beyond question that from Bahia, the Dutch, by way of the Rio de la Plata and Buenos Aires, can infest the realm of Peru’. Israel, The Dutch Republic, 131.

50 The plan was to occupy Santiago de Cuba, once Pernambuco had fallen. Israel, The Dutch Republic, 199.

51 According to Gabriel Guarda, the Dutch public was getting used to the idea of establishing settlements in the South Seas in order to destabilise the Spanish system. Thus, for example, in Mercator's ‘Geographic Tables’ we read: ‘It is clear what a high price the Spanish had to pay for Chile and Valdivia, and how important it would be for them to let go of such opulent hope and possession.’ Guarda, , Flandes indiano. Las fortificaciones en el Reino de Chile 1541–1826 (Santiago 1990) 13Google Scholar.

52 ‘Informaçāo de D. diogo de Castro sobre cousas do Maranhão dada em Lisboa a 12 de Novembro de 1630, Documento n^o 5789 do Catálogo da Exposiçāo de História do Brasil’, ABNRJ 26, 350.

53 I did not have the opportunity to consult the Dutch archives yet. In this paper I only discuss how the Spanish Court reacted to the information that came from Paraguay and Peru about the bandeirantes invasions.

54 Viceroy Velasco stated: ‘the defence of the Indies in general lies more on the enemies’ ignorance about its particulars and on the difficulties of the land and the times than on the forces that there are here to resist them.’ Guarda, Flandes indiano, 23.

55 ‘Resumen de los daños que los Portugueses de la villa de San Pablo del Brasil habían hecho a los yndios de la provincia del Paraguay y sus remedios’, Lima, 24 May 1632. AMP 13, 298.

56 ‘Carta de Francisco Vasquez Trujillo a Su Magestad sobre puntos tocantes a las reducciones que tenia la Compañia de Jesús en la provincia del Paraguay y a los excesos que comedian los Portugueses de San Pablo’. Buenos Aires, 12 June 1632. AGI, Charcas, 2.

57 Ibid.

58 ‘Carta del Presidente de la audiencia de Charcas don Juan de lizarazu a Su Magestad, entre otros asuntos, sobre los daños que hacian los Portugueses de San Pablo en las reducciones de Guaira’. Potosi, 10 August 1637. AGI, Charcas, 20.

59 ‘Sobre las molestias que reciven los Indios del Paraguay de los Portugueses del Brasil’, AGI, Charcas, 119.

60 ‘Consulta del Consejo de Indias a Su Magestad’, Madrid, 23 March 1638. AGI, Charcas, 2.

61 Arquivo do Conselho Ultramarino, Papéis de serviço n^o 1016. ABNRJ 26, 419.

62 ‘Relação de Jacome Raymondo de Noronha, sobre as cousas pertençentes à conservação e augm.to do estado do maranhão’. Biblioteca Nacional de Lisboa. Collecçāo Pombalina. Cod n^o 647. 111–114. ABNRJ 26, 437.

63 Ibid.

64 Ibid.

65 The original documents of those pamphlets are part of the collection in the John Carter. Brown Library, Providence, Rhode Island, USA. Of one of them there is only one known copy, and of the other one there are two, one in the John Carter Brown Library and the other in the British Library. These texts were discovered thanks to the research carried out by historian Bruno Fleiter, who kindly provided me with a copy.

66 Father Montoya was an eye witness of the invasion of Guaira, according to the description in ‘Relação’: ‘Father Antonio Ruiz, Superior of that mission [Encarnacion] […] thought that our sheep should be abandoned like that, in the hands of wolves.’ Manuscritos de la Colección De Angelis. Jaime Cortesão, Jesuitas e Bandeirantes no Guayra (1549–1640). Biblioteca Nacional, RJ, 1951. Doc. XLVI, 313.

67 Ibid.

68 In the report we read: ‘[…] that the heretics, Jews and Moors did worse, although they say that the Dutch, who took the bay, did not do so much, not even to the slaves from Guinea. But it is true that, according to what the actions show, there can be no doubt that among them there were heretics and Jews, and there is reason to believe what is said, that some of them wore pictures of Our Lady, Saint John and out Holy Father Ingacio on the soles of their shoes […]’.

69 ‘Relatión del P. Antonio Ruiz de Montoya sobre los inconvenientes de las invasiones los paulistas’ (Madrid 1639) 2v, John Carter Brown LibraryGoogle Scholar.

70 ‘Relación del P. Antonio Ruiz de Montoya sobre los remedios eficaces para tan encarcerada Ilaga’ (Madrid 1639) 5v, John Carter Brown LibraryGoogle Scholar.

71 Ibid., 7v.

72 ‘Real Cédula al Virrey del Peru, Marques de Mansera, para remedio y castigo de los Portugueses de Sao Paulo, 16–09–1639’ in: Georg Thomas, Político indigenista dos Portugueses no Brasil, 1500–1640, Doc. n^o 10. Ediçoes Loyola (Sao Paulo 1982)

73 Israel, The Dutch Republic, 260.

74 Ibid., 311.

75 Ibid., 313.

76 Ibid.

77 Ibid.

78 In his book Flandes indiano Gabriel Guarda refers to a document entitled ‘Traducción en español del papel que se presentó al Consejo Privado, facilitando la sorpresa y fortificatión de algunos puerto de América, con carta de Alonso Rancaño, de 24 de mayo’, that speaks about a new plan to attack Chile and Peru, stopping in Sao Paulo, with 1180 sailors and 246 pieces of artillery. The author is not able to set the year, but it could be around 1650. Guarda, Flandes indiano, 9.