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2 I borrowed the phrasing of the organisers of the Itinerario conference.

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Another mark of the integration was the rise of similar institutions and ideologies in different countries, many of which arose in emulation of or in response to the institutions in other countries. Similar cities served similar functions around the Atlantic rim, for instance. Perotin-Dumon, Anne, 7Cabotage, Contraband, and Corsairs: The Port Cities of Guadeloupe and Their Inhabitants’ in: Knight, Franklin W. and Liss, Peggy K. eds, Atlantic Port Cities (Knoxville 1991) 61Google Scholar. Moreover, distinct similarities among labour markets emerged. Rediker, Marcus, Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea: Merchant Seamen, Pirates and the Anglo-Maritime World, 1700–1750 (New York 1993) 80Google Scholar. Similar kinds of economic management – plantation experts – also appeared in all empires and created ‘a unique market-oriented set of cash crop-producing areas’. Emmer, P.C., ‘The Dutch and the Making of the Second Atlantic System’ in: Solow, Barbara L. ed., Slavery and the Rise of the Atlantic System (New York 1991) 79Google Scholar.

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16 Ibid., 36–37.

17 Complex, nonlinear, dynamical, adaptive systems have been increasingly studied by a number of specialists in a variety of fields, such as chemistry, geology, physics, and artificial intelligence. The best, most succinct introductions to the plethora of ideas appear in Lewin, R., Complexity: Life at the Edge of Chaos (New York 1992)Google Scholar ; and Nicolis, G. and Prigogine, I., Exploring Complexity (New York 1989)Google Scholar. In economics, see W. Brian Arthur, ‘Inductive Reasoning and Bonded Rationality’ and Krugman, Paul, ‘Complex Landscapes in Economic Geography’, The American Economic Review: Papers and Proceedings 84 (1994) 406–416Google Scholar.

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19 Galenson, , White Servitude, passim and Traders, Planters, and Slaves: Market Behaviour in Early English America (Cambridge 1986) 145–150CrossRefGoogle Scholar. An insightful assessment of the weaknesses and strengths of economic theory is offered by Lamoreaux, Naomi R. et al. , Learning by Doing in Markets, Firms, and Countries (Chicago 1999) 1–17Google Scholar.

20 Another feature exhibited by complex systems and relevant to the emergence of a market is decentralised authority. No metropolis exerted uncontested, final control in the world. In any one economic or commercial act, there were a variety of centres that actors had to consider and address. Regarding the eighteenth-century Atlantic economy as a complex economic and social system turns the searchlight away from the traditionally privileged centre, the large European metropolis. That is not to say that there were no centrally directed conditions or influences under which Atlantic trade developed – only that they were not in the end dispositive. Furthermore, related to both self-organisation and decentralisation is a flexible causative principle shaping how the ‘macro’ related to the ‘micro’ and vice versa in a vast cross-imperial economy. That is to say, by looking at structures and institutions from the vantage of their complexity and following that complexity along the production/distribution/consumption chain, one finds that both the few directive links among people and the large-scale anonymous forces created the conditions for action and reaction; they did not cause those actions, although, in their choice of explanatory devices, historians favour the isolation of deterministic forces. In complex systems like the Atlantic market economy, the Navigation Acts or the agricultural productivity of the Americas, for instance, are more appropriately regarded as conditions, not causes, of the patterns of trade. This principle is not so much a feature of the world, as it is a commentary on its features and how they mediate macro-forces and micro-events and -individuals. If one cares about individual people's lives, individual firms' successes, and individual products' acceptances, then the macro-level phenomena like the Navigation Acts, American agricultural productivity or the changing nature of the workforce go only so far towards explaining particular outcomes. The links and forces did not cause the events, but they did set up conditions under which they worked; they affected them, not so much directly, but indirectly along a long trans-oceanic chain that was stretched across the centuries.

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23 The Pennsylvania Gazette, 12 May 1737 (Valentine, John), 16 November 1738 (Evan Morgan)Google Scholar. In the first twenty years of its publication (1729–1749), some twenty-one wholesalers and retailers advertised Madeira wine in The Pennsylvania Gazette on forty-eight separate occasions, but none were specialists.

24 The Pennsylvania Gazette, 13 September 1753, 26June 1755. See also 17 May, 21 August 1773, and 11 and 12 May (Bache's Wine Store), 23 November (Mitchell's Wine, Spirit, Rum & Sugar Store) 1774. Before 1775, there is no mention of a ‘wine shop’ (although that is surely what Grisley opened) or a ‘wine cellar’ as a retail establishment. Moreover, there is no one who advertises himself as a ‘wine merchant’ per se, although in March 1772 the German Ludwig Kuhn describes himself as a clerk who ‘would suit a wine merchant best, as in Europe he has been a considerable time in that trade, as well for himself as others, and consequently is a good judge of wines’. The Pennsylvania Gazette, 26 March 1772. Benjamin Morgan had advertise d his services as a wine cooper as early as 1729. Ibid., 4 March 1729. Similar specialisation occurred outside Philadelphia at roughly the same time. Further west, in Lancaster, for instance, the Scot James Burd, who ha d previously worked as a merchant in Philadelphia, was the first to open a ‘Wine Store’ in 1759, in partnership with his father-in-law Sr, Edward Shippen, Nixon, Lily L., James Burd: Frontier Defender, 1726–1793 (Philadelphia 1941) 127Google Scholar ; and Wood, Jerome H., Conestoga Crossroads (Harrisburg 1979) 98Google Scholar. Despite the push for specialisation, the combination of retail services persisted, especially in non-urban or undeveloped regions. See, for instance, The Pennsylvania Gazette, 31 May 1797.

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27 The subject of the trans-Atlantic tobacco trade is synonymous with the name of Price, Jacob. The best detailed introduction to the material can be found in his ‘The Rise of Glasgow in the Chesapeake Tobacco Trade, 1707–1775’, William and Mary Quarterly, third series, 11 (1954) 179–199CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; The Tobacco Adventure to Russia: Enterprise, Politics, and Diplomacy in the Quest for a Northern Market for English Colonial Tobacco, 1676–1722 (Philadelphia 1961)Google Scholar ; ‘The Economic Growth of the Chesapeake and the European Market, 1697–1775’, Journal of Economic History 24 (1964) 496–511CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; France and the Chesapeake: A History of the French Tobacco Monopoly, 1674–1791, and of Its Relationship to the British and American Tobacco Trades (Ann Arbor 1973)Google Scholar. On the sugar trade, see Pares, Richard, ‘The London Sugar Market, 1740–1769’, Economic History Review, second series, 9 (1956) 254–270Google Scholar, and ‘A London West India Merchant House’ in: Pares, Richard and Taylor, A.J. eds, Essays Presented to Sir Lewis Namier (London 1956) 75–107Google Scholar ; and McCusker, John J., ‘The Rum Trade and the Balance of Payments of the Thirteen Continental Colonies, 1750–1775’ (PhD thesis University of Pittsburgh, 1970)Google Scholar.

28 The export of European manufactures to the Americas has been minimally studied. A few exceptions, pointing u p the need for a different explanatory perspective, include Smail, John, Merchants, Markets & Manufactures: The English Wool Textile Industry in the Eighteenth Century (London 1999) chapter 5CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Hood, Adrienne, ‘Organization and Extent of Textile Manufacture in Eighteenth-Century Rural Pennsylvania: A Case Study of Chester County’ (PhD thesis University of California, San Diego, 1988)Google Scholar ; Heaton, Herbert, ‘Yorkshire Cloth Traders in the United States, 1770–1840’, Publications of the Thoresby Society 37 (1944) 225–287Google Scholar ; Ormrod, David, English Grain Exports and the Structure of Agrarian Capitalism, 1700–1760 (Hull 1985)Google Scholar ; Mathias, Peter, The Brewing Industry in England, 1700–1830 (Cambridge 1959)Google Scholar ; Multhauf, Robert P., Neptune's Gift: A History of Common Salt (Baltimore 1978)Google Scholar ; Duncan, T. Bentley, Atlantic Islands (Chicago 1972)Google Scholar ; Beechertjr, Edward D., ‘The Wine Trade of the Thirteen Colonies’ (MA thesis University of California, Berkeley 1949)Google Scholar. There are no good studies of the export of ceramics or glassware. Exports from the Americas are better researched, although much work remains to be done. See, for instance, Schneider, Jurgen, ‘The Effects of European Markets on Overseas Agriculture: The Production, Trade and Consumption of Coffee’ in: Pardo, J. Casas ed., Economic Effects of the European Expansion (Stuttgart 1992) 284–302Google Scholar ; Coclanis, Peter A., The Shadow of a Dream (New York 1989)Google Scholar ; Dethloff, Henry C., ‘The Colonial Rice Trade’, Agricultural History 56 (1982) 231–243Google Scholar ; Saladino, Gaspar, ‘The Maryland and Virginia Wheat Trade from Its Beginnings to the American Revolution’ (MA thesis University of Wisconsin, 1960)Google Scholar ; Innis, Harold A., The Cod Fisheries: The History of an International Economy (revised edition, Toronto 1954)Google Scholar ; Innis, , The Fur Trade in Canada (revised edition, Toronto 1956)Google Scholar ; Roberts, William I. III, ‘The Fur Trade of New England in the Seventeenth Century’ (PhD thesis University of Pennsylvania, 1958)Google Scholar ; Norton, Thomas E., The Fur Trade in Colonial New York, 1686–1776 (Madison 1958)Google Scholar.